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RWTED FOjR CHARIES K.-TI6MT. IM,i MA1L3L EAST, 

3825. 



THE 



DIARY 



OF 

/ 

HENRY TEONGE, 

CHAPLAIN ON BOARD HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS 

ASSISTANCE, 

BRISTOL, AND ROYAL OAK, 

ANNO 1675 TO 1679. 

NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MS. 
WITH BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL NOTES. 



LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR CHARLES KNIGHT, PALL MALL EAST. 

1825. 






LONDON : 
PRINTED BY S. AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The Manuscript, which is now first introduced to 
the Public, had been in the possession of a respect- 
able Warwickshire family for more than a century. 
Like many other records of individual adventures 
and opinions, it had descended, as part of an old 
library, from one generation to another, without 
attracting any particular observation. It was at 
length accidentally offered to the Publisher for sale, 
as a curious volume that might interest some Col- 
lector. He was led to think that its interest might 
be more extended. It appeared to him to present 
a very natural and faithful picture of customs and 
manners, as they existed in the English Navy at a 
period when it was fast rising into that importance 
which was to decide the rank of this country 
amongst the nations of the world ; and it further 



IV INTRODUCTION. 

offered some very singular results of the experience 
of an observing and intelligent mind, expressed 
often with peculiar force and humour, and exhibit- 
ing some curious indications of the probable average 
state of morals and intelligence amongst the con- 
forming clergy of the time of Charles II. In this 
age, when authentic illustrations of particular times 
and characters are so eagerly sought, it was consi- 
dered that the Diary of Henry Teonge might 
afford amusement and instruction, not only to the 
antiquarian inquirer, but to the general reader ; and 
that it might fairly claim some share of public 
notice, at a time when almost every accession to 
our storehouse of facts is regarded with favour and 
curiosity. 

The particulars which we have been able to coUect 
of the life of Henry Teonge, are as scanty as might 
be expected from the remoteness of the period in 
which he lived, and the comparatively undistin- 
guished rank which he filled in society. The Diary 
itself affords us no particulars of the biography of 
its Author, except at the dates which that Diary 
records. But it is satisfactory that those dates are 
in every respect supported by the documents of the 
parish of which he was Rector ; and, combined with 



INTRODUCTION. V 

the information afforded by reference to those docu- 
ments, altogether enable us to offer something like 
a connected sketch of the career of this worthy, 
talented, and eccentric Minister of the Church of 
England. 

The only allusion which the Chaplain, in his 
Diary, makes to his early Hfe, is at the commence- 
ment of his second voyage. His Captain, on pre- 
senting him to King Charles II., says, *' An't please 
your Majesty, this gentleman is an old Cavalier."- 
This expression, coupled with the circumstance that 
the Chaplain, at the time of his first voyage, had 
sons arrived at manhood, not only indicates that his 
early years had been passed in the service of that 
cause which appears most likely to have attracted 
a man of his loyal and genial temperament, but 
proves that when the res angusta domi drove him 
from his " House at Spernall," " with small accouter- 
ments," he was at that advanced period of life, when, 
to have left the quiet of a country living for the 
dangers and discomforts of a seafaring career, must 
have been most painful to any mind but one pos- 
sessing that happy talent of looking at the bright 
side of things, which our good-humoured Author so 
constantly evinces. 



VI INTRODUCTION. 

We are unable to discover the precise period at 
which Henry Teonge availed himself of the security 
which the Restoration of Charles II. offered to the 
conforming clergy for the exercise of their functions. 
Prior, however, to 1670, we find that he was Rec- 
tor of Alcester, a parish adjoining Spernall, in War- 
wickshire, in which place it is probable his family 
resided, as may be conjectured from the following 
entry in the registry of baptisms in that parish* : — • 
" April 4, 1669, baptized Richard, son of Thomas 
Teonge." 

In the Alcester Register, which goes back as far 
as the reign of Elizabeth, there is no mention of the 
name of any rector until the period of Mr. Teonge's 
avoidance. On the 7th of June, 1670, he was insti- 
tuted, on the presentation of John Fortescue, Esq. 
of Cookhill, in the county of Worcester, to the 
living of Spernall, a parish thus described by Dug- 
dale in his " History of Warwickshire :" — 

" Spernall, anciently written Spernour, is a small 
village consisting of about eighteen houses, and for- 

* For the most kind and ready assistance in communicating 
extracts from the registers of the several parishes with which 
our Author was connected;, we are deeply indebted to the Rev. 
John Chambers, the present Rector of Spernall. 



INTliODUCTION. VU 

merly belonged to the Earls of Warwick of the 
Norman line ; but these, by purchase and descent, 
&c. had come into the possession of the Throkmor- 
tons. The church, dedicated to St. Leonard, was 
formerly a chapel to Coughton.' 

At this period he seems still to have retained the 
living of Alcester, which he appears to have va- 
cated early in 1675. On the 20th of May of that 
year he left Spernall, for his first voyage ; and it is 
probable that his son Henry Teonge, of Christ Col- 
lege, Cambridge, who appears, by the Cambridge 
Graduate Book, to have taken his degree of B. A. 
in 1673, officiated at Spernall in the absence of its 
rector. His son was vicar of Coughton, an adjoining 
parish, from 1675 to 1683. 

The minute dates of our Chaplain's Diary enable 
us to fill up the outline of his life from 1675 to 
1679. His first voyage occupied from the 20th of 
May, 1675, to the 17th of November, 1676. On his 
return to England, he stayed in London about three 
quarters of a year. About June 1677 he returned 
to SpernaU. Unhappily, the original cause of his 
absence from the proper sphere of his duties appears 
to have remained in full force at the period of his 
return. He says, " Though I was glad to see my 



X INTRODUCTION. 

His life of enterprise, and wandering, and poverty, 
though not unmixed with enjoyment, was at length 
closed on the 21st of March, 1690. It is probable 
that his age must then have been between 70 and 80. 
He died and was buried at Spernall ; but there is no 
monument whatever now existing to his memory. 

Of the character of our worthy Chaplain it is un- 
necessary to say much. Its peculiar features may 
be very easily collected from the following Diary. 
Writing as he did, without any sort of disguise, he 
exhibits himself, not, indeed, as possessing any very 
constant sense of religious obUgation, but, considering 
the laxity of the morals of the period in which he 
lived, and the society in which he moved, as afford- 
ing a very respectable specimen of a sea-chaplain of 
that aera. — He enjoys his punch and his claret, and 
he revels in the most luxurious description of the 
good cheer by which he was occasionally sur- 
rounded: but he appears to have been constant 
in the observance of the offices of his calling ; and 
on one occasion he exhibits a very spirited and 
commendable jealousy of any interference with his 
professional duties. His mind appears to have 
been remarkably acute and vigorous. He dili- 
gently observes whatever is new and curious, and 
brings to the subject a considerable share of book- 



INTRODUCTION. XI 

learning, sometimes, indeed, inaccurate and ill-di- 
gested, and frequently mixed up with a very sin- 
gular portion of superstition, but altogether afford- 
ing abundant evidence of his talents and acquire- 
ments. 

His poetical compositions are often very far above 
those of " the mob of gentlemen who write with ease ;" 
and some of his ballads, making allowance for the 
bad taste of his age, — the Chlorises and the Amyn- 
tas, the Phyllises and the Amaryllises, are in some 
respects worthy of taking their place amongst the 
standard compositions of this description. Upon the 
whole, his Diary is any thing but dull, and leaves 
upon us the impression of a pleasant gossiping with 
a quaint and witty companion, relating in a natural 
style some very singular adventures, and exhibiting 
a variety of new and curious particulars of an inte- 
resting and remarkable state of society. 

The first voyage of our Chaplain has a particular 
interest, as detailing the proceedings by which Eng- 
land was obliged to chastise the pirates of the 
Mediterranean a hundred and fifty years ago. In 
many respects, the narrative of Teonge is more va- 
luable as connected with the expedition of Sir John 
Narborough against the Barbary States, than any 
regular historical account. To afford, however, points 



XU INTRODUCTION. 

of connexion and comparison, we republish the 
following narrative of the expedition against Tri- 
poli, from the life of Sir John Narborough, in 
Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, and in Charnock's 
Biographia Navalis. 

" The Corsairs of Tripoli having for some time 
committed great outrages on the English trade, 
Sir John Narborough was seut, in the latter end of 
the year 1674, to reduce them to reason. The 
14th of January following, Sir John came before 
the place ; and having blocked up the port in the 
night, so that no ship could go in or come out, 
he manned all his boats, and sent them under 
the command of Lieutenant Shovel, afterwards 
Sir Cloudesley, the famous admiral, into the har- 
bour, where he seized the guard-ship, and after- 
wards burnt the following vessels, which were all 
that lay at that time in the harbour ; viz. the White 
Eagle Crowned, a fifty gun ship ; the Looking-glass, 
which carried thirty-six ; the Santa Clara, of twenty - 
four ; and a French vessel of twenty : after which he 
safely returned to the fleet, without the loss of a 
single man. This extraordinary action struck the 
Tripolines with amazement, and made them in- 
stantly sue for peace ; which, however, did not im- 



INTRODUCTION. XUl 

mediately take place, because they absolutely refused 
to make good the losses sustained by the Eng- 
lish. Sir John thereupon cannonaded the town ; 
and, finding that ineffectual, landed a body of men 
about twenty leagues thence, and burnt a vast ma- 
gazine of timber which was to have served for the 
building of ships. When all this failed of reducing 
these people, Sir John sailed to Malta ; and after 
remaining there for some time, returned suddenly 
upon the enemy, and distressed them so much that 
they were glad to submit to a peace on the terms 
prescribed. However, soon after the conclusion of 
this treaty, some of their Corsairs, returning into 
port, not only expressed a great dislike thereto, 
but actually deposed the Dey for making it ; and, 
without any regard thereto, began to take all the 
English ships as before. Sir John, remaining still in 
the Mediterranean, and having immediate notice of 
what passed, suddenly appeared with eight frigates 
before Tripoli, and began with such violence to 
batter the place, that the inhabitants were glad 
once more to renew the peace, and deliver up the 
authors to condign punishment." 

" On the 18th of October, 1674, he was appointed 
commander in chief of a squadron sent to the Me- 



XIV INTRODUCTION. 

diterranean for the purpose of overawing the Tripo- 
line and other piratical States, who began about this 
time to commit depredations and disturb our com- 
merce. He had, as was customary, the privilege 
allowed him of wearing the Union Flag at his 
main-top-mast head, still continuing on board the 
Henrietta. In the month of April, 1675, his com- 
plaints to the Tripoline Government commenced ; 
these not being redressed, he proceeded to block up 
the ports. On the 10th of July following, he had 
the good fortune to drive on shore and burn one of 
their capital ships, which had been their rear-ad- 
miral, and carried thirty guns. In the course of a 
few days he destroyed two other vessels of in- 
ferior note. On the 31st of August the attack of 
a Saitee, which was working into Tripoh, brought 
on an action, equal in point of spirit to one which, 
from its consequence, might have more attracted the 
notice of the world. The frigates stationed immedi- 
ately off the port not being able to get up with her. 
Sir John manned the boats of the squadron, and got 
under way with his larger ships in support of them. 
The boats succeeded in driving the Saitee on shore, 
and came to anchor near her, in order to prevent the 
enemy from getting her off in the morning. The 



INTRODUCTION. XV 

Tripolines, to counteract their attack, manned three 
galleys and a brigantine, which were at that time in 
the harbour. On the approach of these the boats 
were obliged to retire on board the frigates * In the 
morning the galleys and brigantine were discover- 
ed towing the Saitee towards Tripoli. Sir John 
Narborough weighed anchor, and standing in shore 
with the rest of the ships under his command, suc- 
ceeded in cutting off the galleys from the port. One 
of them being forced on shore near Tajura, was set 
on fire by the Turks themselves ; the others, flying to 
the eastward, were driven on shore by the Newcastle. 
The boats having been twice repelled by the Moorish 
soldiers, who put off from the shore to defend them. 
Sir John Narborough went in his barge to en- 
courage his people on the third attack, which was 
successful. The Dey, intimidated by an attack so 
undaunted, and which presaged but little security 
to any of his vessels in a similiar situation, began 
now to make serious overtures for peace. On the 
14th of January, a still more formidable and decisive 
attack was made on the Tripoline shipping, by the 
boats of the squadron under the command of Lieu- 
tenant, afterwards Sir Cloudesley Shovel." 

* This affair is noticed by the Chaplain, in his Diary, p. 62. 



XVI INTRODUCTION. 

" This exploit, seconded by the destruction and 
capture of some other vessels and stores, made the 
Tripolines stiU more earnest in their application for 
peace. They persisted as yet, however, in refusing 
to make such satisfaction as was deemed neces- 
sary for the injury that had actually been com- 
mitted by their Corsairs ; and Sir John was 
peremptory in resisting all overtures of peace to 
which this indemnification was not a preliminary 
article. In the month of February, Sir John, who 
had removed his flag into the Hampshire, being on 
a cruise to the eastward of Tripoly, with only one 
frigate in company, fell in with four of the principal 
ships of war, which, after the loss the Tripolines had 
sustained, were now left them. An action com- 
menced ; and after some hours' continuance, with 
the greatest spirit on both sides, the Corsairs, having 
nearly six hundred of their people killed and 
wounded, fled, with aU the sail they could carry, 
for Tripoly, which they were fortunate enough to 
reach. These accumulated and repeated defeats 
and losses at length disposed the Dey to listen to 
Sir John's demands ; so that a treaty of peace was 
concluded between them on the 5th of March, by 
which the Tripoline Government agreed to release 



INTRODUCTION. XVll 

all the English captives in their possession, to pay 
fourscore thousand dollars, as a reparation for the 
violence they had committed, and to grant the 
EngHsh many other honourable and valuable pri- 
vileges, which no other nation had ever before 
possessed or obtained. This contest being thus 
successfully terminated, Sir John was preparing to 
return to Europe, when an accident happened 
which compelled his longer continuance on the 
station." 

" The people, irritated at the conduct of the Dey, 
who was charged as having been the cause of the 
late war, and what they called an ignominious 
peace, compelled him to save his life by a very 
expeditious flight ; and Sir John, knowing the 
treacherous disposition of his new-made friends, 
thought it prudent to get the treaty ratified by the 
new Dey and the rest of the officers of the Govern- 
ment. This step was effected through the terror 
of an impending cannonade, and with an additional 
Article, highly flattering to the consequence of the 
English, and which appeared to promise a longer 
continuance of peace than they had for some time 
past experienced. This expedition having been 

b 



XVlll INTRODUCTION. 

thus brought to a happy issue. Sir John returned 
to Europe in 1677." 

It may be proper to add, that the notes illus- 
trative of this Diary have been collected with con- 
siderable industry from a variety of sources ; in 
some instances from unprinted authorities, in others 
from books of ordinary reference. In the biogra- 
phical part we are under extensive obligations to 
Charnock's Biographia Navalis. 



THE 



DIARY 



OF 



HENRY TEONGE, 



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THE DIARY 



OF 



HENRY TEONGE 



Thursday, May 20, 1675. Devs ^ortat bene I 

This day I began my voyage from my house a 
Spernall, in the county of Warwick ; with small 
accouterments, saveing what I carried under me in 
an olde sack. My steede like that of Hudibras, for 

2 1 mettle, courage, and color, (though not of the same 
biggnes :) and for flesh, one of Pharaoh's leane 
mares, ready to cease (for hunger) on those that 

22 went before her, had shee not beene short winged ; 
or rather leaden heeled. My stock of monys was 
also proportionable to the rest; being little more 

'^(23) than what brought me to London, in an old coate, 
and britches of the same ; an old payre of hose and 
shooes ; and a lethern dublett of 9 yeares olde and 

* The Sundays throughout the Diary are distinguished by 
the date being encircled. 

B 



MAY 1675. 2 

upward. Indeede, (by reason of the suddennes of 
my jurny,) I had nothing but what I was ashamed 

24 of; save only 

An old fox broade-sword^ and a good black gowne ; 

25 And thus Old Henry cam to London towne. 

26 Hither was I no sooner arived, but I was courte- 
ously received ; first by Leiuetenant Haughton/ with 
bottells of claret &c.: and after, by Capt. William 
Houlding,^ with entertainment of the same fashon. 

* This gentleman appears to have served as a volunteer for a 
considerable time prior to his obtaining any appointment in the 
Royal Navy^ upon the books of which he is not entered until 
the 4th of June 1686^, when he was appointed to the King- 
fisher. On the 24th of May 1688^ he was removed to the 
Reserve; and on the 24th of August following, to the Ad- 
vice. On the 13th of Juue 1689, he was appointed to the 
command of the Bristol, and continued gradually advancing 
in the service, until, in 1693, he succeeded to the command of 
the Devonshire, of eighty guns, one of the ships belonging 
to the main fleet. When Lord Berkeley, after the death of Sir 
John Ashby, took the command of this squadron, Capt. Haugh- 
ton was stationed in the line as one of his seconds. In 1696, he 
commanded the Shrewsbury, a ship of the same force, and 
employed constantly in the same line of service till the peace of 
Ryswick. At the commencement of the war with France in 
1702, he was made captain of the Bedford of seventy guns, and 
sailed as one of the seconds to Sir George Rooke, in the unsuc- 
cessful expedition against Cadiz. On his return from thence he 
had the good fortune to assist in the capture and destruction of 
the Spanish galleons and ships of war in Vigo Bay ; and upon 
his arrival in England was promoted to the command of the 
Barfleur, a second-rate; which appointment he held till his 
death. 

' WiUiam Holden (Houlding) was in 1666 appointed captain 
of the Cygnett, and soon afterwards was removed into the Lon- 
don hired ship of war. In 1667 he served as lieutenant of the 



MAY 1G75. 3 

27 Thence to the Longe Reach ; where I was that 
morning entred on board Chaplen to his Magesty 
in his Frigott Assistance^ of 56 gunns, and under 
the commaund of Capt. Will. Houlding; and re- 
turned againe that night to London. 

28 And now a small sea-bed is my unum necessa- 
rium, (though I wanted almost every thing else :) a 
thing that I could not bee without ; nor knew I how 
to compas it. I sent for som bedding into the coun- 
try ; and I try som friends to borrow som mony s ; but 
all in vaine ; and all to retreeve my cloake, left longe 
since (in pawn), not at Troas, (as Saint Panic's was,) 
for his was recovered only with demaund ; mine could 
not be got by fayer or foule meanes. Seeing no 
other meanes I rem'bred the poet : — 

apyvpiaiQ Xoy-^aiai jua'^ov Kai wavra Kparrjm^. 

I sum'on all my forces, and I borrow 5,y. of my 
landlady ; and thus I redeemed my cloake : lying only 

Old James ; in 1669:, of the Centurion ; and on the commence- 
ment of the second Dutch war in 1672, was appointed first 
lieutenant of the Charles. In the course of the same year he was 
appointed second captain of the same ship, under Sir J. Harman ; 
and when in the following year Sir John removed into the Lon- 
don, Captain Holden accompanied him in the same capacity. 
After the conclusion of the war. Captain Holden had no other 
command till the 22d of April 1675 ; when he was made cap- 
tain of the Assurance, from which ship he was in a few days 
removed into the Assistance frigate of fifty-six guns. On the 
12th of April 1678, he was appointed commander of the Unicorn ; 
on the 30th of November following, of the Advice, a guard-ship 
at Portsmouth ; and on the 18th of April 1682, succeeded as 
captain of the Woohvich. 

B 2 



MAY 1675, 4 

29 for 10.?. Haveing done thus, my leane mare, with 
saddle, bridle, and bootes, and spurrs, I sold to my 
landlord for 26^., upon condition that if 26s. was 
sent to him in a fortnight's time, the mare might be 
redeemed, but the other things lost. And my cloake 
I pawne againe for 40.y. 
(30) With this monys I payd my quarters : and tooke 
coach at my Cus. Tyler's dore, with my man : and 
at Poplar I bought a small bed, on pillow, on 
blanket, on rug, for 2 Is. And thus haveing still a 

31 small parcell of monys left, and being loath to go© 
to sea too rich for feare of pyratts, I am coatched to 
Black- Wall ; where I take leave of som friends that 
accompanyd me thither ; and, omnia mea mecum 
June 1, portans, I take water ; and com on board the ship 
1675. Assistance, (then still in the Longe Reach ;) dranke 
part of 3 boules of punch,^ (a liquor very strainge 
to me;) and so to bed in a cabin so much out of 
order, that when I thought to find my pillow on the 
topp, I found it slipt betweene the coards, and un- 
der the bed. 

2 This day wee fall downe into the Hope, (our Cap- 
taine being com on board the night before and 
unexpected.) 

3 Wee hoyst sayle ; and with Essex on the left hand, 

^ In Fryer's Travels to the East Indies (1672) we have the 
following account of the use of our mixture called Punch. 

"^ At Nerule (near Goa) is made the best arach, or nepa die 
Goa, with which the English on this coast make that enervating 
liquor caUed Paunch;, (which is Indostan for five;,) from five 
ingredients;, as the physicians name this composition DiapentC;, 
or from four things Diatessaron." 



JUNE 1675. 5 

and Kent on the right, wee com to the Boy in the 
Nore {Buoy of the NorQ\ ; a thing as strainge to me 
as was the rest of their dyalect. Hither many of our 
seamen's wives follow their husbands, and severall 
other young women accompany theire sweetharts, 
and sing. Loath to depart,^ in punch and brandy ; so 
that our ship was that night well furnished, but ill 
mand ; few of them being well able to keepe watch, 
had there beene occasion. Here I could relate 
severall amorous songs, som from the men to the 
women, others contra, shewing them loath to depai^t. 
Not far from thence, the water being very smoath, 
wee see an example of imprudence : the topps of 
two masts, the remainder of that good ship the 
Argeare, under the commaund of Capt. Nevett,^ there 
run a gi'ound ; som say by willfull carelessnes, 

* These are probably the first words of a song^, the tune of 
which seems to have been sounded on the trumpets as part of the 
salute given to any superior officer or person of rank upon leav- 
ing the ship. In a MS " Discourse on Marine Affairs" pre- 
served in the Harleian collection (N° 1341):, the ceremony used 
on board upon the departure of any personage of high rank or 
command in the navy, is fully described, and concludes thus : 
" Beinge againe returned intoe his barge, after that the trum- 
petts have sounded a Loathe to Departe, and that the barge is 
falne off a fitt and faire birthe and distance from the shippe side, 
hee is toe bee saluted, with soe manie gunns for an adieu, as the 
shippe is able toe give, provided that they bee alwaies of an odd 
number." MS. p. 214. 

^ Thomas Knevet (Nevett) was appointed commander of the 
Giles ketch in 1663, and of the Lilly in the following year, from 
whence he was shortly removed into the Richmond. At the 
commencement of the Dutch war he was particularly fortunate, 
as well as active, in distressing the enemy's trade by the cap- 



JUNE J 675. 6 

Thence wee passe to the Boy on the Redsands, 
thinking to goe the nearest way over the Flatts ; 
but, fearing wee should be calmed, wee tack about, 
and goe the other way. And heare wee begin our 
warHke accheivements ; for, seeing a merchant man 
neare us without takeing the least notice of a man of 
warr, wee give him a shott, make him loare his top- 
gallant, {id est, put off his hatt to us,)^ and our gunner 
presently goes on board of him, makes him pay 
6^. 6f/. for his contempt ; abateing him 2d, because 
it was the first shott. And so wee passe on to the 
Boy in the Gunfleete ; where boath on the right 
and left hand wee see severall sad spectacles, the 
relicks of ships cast away ; which served as beacons 
to us and others to dyrect them to steare in medio as 
the safest way : and wee anchor for that night there. 
4 Early wee wey anchor : the wether being stormy ; 
and my head begins to be very giddy, but no whitt 

ture of a number of their mercliant-vessels. In 1666 he quitted 
the command of the Richmond;, and did not again enter into the 
service till the year 1672 ; when he was appointed to the 
Argier^, and he appears to have been the first officer in the 
English navy who used the stratagem (since so frequently 
practised^ and with much success^,) of disguising his ship for the 
purpose of drawing the enemy within his reach. This he did 
while commanding the Argier^, by housing his gunS;, shewing no 
colours, striking even his flag-staff, and working his ship with 
much apparent awkwardness. He succeeded in deceiving a 
Dutch privateer off Aldborough, who had done much injury to 
our coasting trade and eluded our swiftest-sailing cruizers, so 
that she ran boldly down to him as to a certain prize, and dis- 
covered not her mistake until it was too late to escape. It 
seemsj however, that he soon after lost the Argier. 
I See Note, p. 16. 



JUNE 1675. 



sick. Wee leave Harridge farr on the larboard syd ; 
and keepe our lead goeing, for feare of the Galloper. 
Heare is the first greene water which I have scene ; 
no land is now to bee scene. The wind is against 
us, and wee poynt just toward the coasts of Nor- 
way. Then wee tack, and stand for the Downcs, 
where the porpuses com in beards on boath syds the 
ship : a signe of a storme, as the sea-men say ; for 
which wee provide accordingly. Wee make severall 
tacks, and see many mackarell boats ; and at 4 of 
the clock wee com to an anchor neare the North 
Foreland ; where wee stay but the turning of the 
tyde ; and about this time wee discover a stronge 
squadi'on of the Dutch, fyreing and rejoycing as they 
say led alonge that they were so neare home. About 
1 1 wee hoyst sayle, and hast toward the Downes ; 
looking for om^ dyrectory, the Foreland light. 

Wee com to an anchor in the Downes this mome 
about 4. And here I might tell you what Provi- 
dence putt into my hands ; which though litteU 
worth of them-selves, yet were they of greate use to 
him that then wanted almost every thing. Early 
in the morning I mett with a rugged towell on the 
quarter deck ; which I soone secured. And soone 
after. Providence brought me a peice of an old sayle, 
and an earthen chamber pott : all very helpfull to 
him that had nothing. Here wee find 6 men of 
warr, all of them saluteing us with 7 gunns a peice. 

Here on beggs inke^ another paper lends 

To write a letter to their absent friends. 

And Deale sends fresh meate, Marget sends us ale^ 

Till wee have farther orders for to sayle. 



JUNE 1675. 8 

(6) No prayers to day by reason of the buisnes of the 
shipp ; for wee suppose wee shall be commaunded 

7 away suddenly. 

8 Very stormy weather the 7, 8, 9 days ; but worse 

9 that night, in so much that wee lyeing somwhat 
neare the Bristoll, were forced to carry out another 
anchor, and to doe what possibly could be done to 
keepe us from falling foule upon her. But the 

10 BristoU went away the next morning. 

1 1 The ayre is so cleare that wee can easily see the 
coasts of France ; and with a prospective glas, Calis 
itselfe, as they tell mee, it being not above 7 or 8 
leages from us. 

12 Fayre weather on Satterday. But so tempestuous 
(13) on the Sunday that many sayd they never saw such 

weather there at that time of the yeare. This day 
at Deale Beach a boate was over turned with 5 men 
in it : 3 leaped out, and swam to shoare with much 
a doe ; the other two were covered with the boate, 
wherof on was dead and sank; the other, whose 
name was Thomas Boules, (when the boate was 
puled ofFe him, which had layne on his head and neck 
a longe time,) was carry d away with the violence 
of the water ; yet in sight, and by that meanes was 
at last hauld out, and there lay on the stones for 
dead ; for his fellow was dead longe before. A tra- 
veller, in very poore cloathes, (coming to looke on, 
as many more did,) presently pulld out his knife and 
sheath, cutts off the nether end of his sheath, and 
thrust his sheath into the ***** of the sayd 
Thomas Boules, and blew with aU his force till hee 



JUNE 1675. 9 

himselfe was weary ; then desyred som others to 
blow also; and in halfe an howers time brought 
him to life againe. I drank with him at his house, 
April 28, 1678. This day also I preached my first 
sermon on ship-board ; where I could not stand 
without holding by boath the pillars in the steareage ; 
and the Captaines chayre and others were ready to 
tilt downe somtimes backwards, somtimes forward. 
All our women and olde seamen were sick this day ; 
I was only giddy. 
14 15 Very fayre weather these dayes, so that many of 
our seamen get into the shrouds and fore-castle to 
examine causes, and to vew their forces, which then 
suffered mercy les marterdome, 
16 The Capt. and his lady, the leiuetenant and his 
wife, and my selfe, went on shoare to Deale : wee 
were all carryed out of our pinnace to the shoare 
on men's showlders. Wee saw Sandowne Castle, 
Deale Castle, and Wawmur Castle,^ all well furnished. 

7 " King Henry the Eight, having shaken off the intolerable 
yoke of the popish tyrannie, and espying that the Emperor was 
offended for the divorce of Queene Katheryne his wife^ and that 
the French King had coupled the Dolphine his son to the Pope's 
niece, and married his daughter to the King of Scotts, so that he 
might more justlie suspect all than safely trust any one, deter- 
mined by the aide of God to stand upon his own garde and de- 
fense ; and therefore, with all speede, and without sparing any 
coste, he builded castles, platformes, and block-houses, in all 
needful places of the realme ; and amongst others fearing lest 
the ease and advantage of descending on land at this parte 
should give occasion and hardinesse to the enemies to invade 
him^ he erected neare together three fortifications, which might 
at- all times keepe and beate the landing-place, that is to say, 
Sandown, Deale, and Walmer." Lambarde's Perambulation of 
Kent, edit. 1570. 



jUxNE 1675. 10 

Here I saw two strainge sights to me. On was Deale 
Beach reaching from the South Foreland almost 
to the North Foreland ; and is nothing else but as it 
were a very greate banke of stones, and flints, and 
shells of fishes : higher then the smooth sands by- 
many fathoms, and very broade, being dayly aug- 
mented by the sea : And is so cleare and voyd of 
sand or dust, that the inhabitants (sUteing the 
greene gras which is closse by it,) doe spread theire 
lennen on those stones to dry and whiten : which also 
lye so loose, that you tread up to the ancles every 
step you goe : yet on this banke stands the towne of 
Deale. The other thing which was strainge to mee 
was, that in all places else where ever I yet was, the 
cheifest care of the ueate hous-wife was to keepe 
theire roomes cleane from aU manner of dust, by 
sweeping, washing, and rubbing them : But heare 
cleane contrary ; for haveing first swept them cleane, 
they then strew them all over with sand,^ yea their 
very best chambers. Here wee dined. And heare 
Mrs. Walton, our landlady, gave mee a Httle jugg fuU 
of inke ; which did mee a greate pleasure. Towards 
evening wee were all carried from shoare to our pin- 
nace at least 100 paces ; the water being up to the 
middles of the seamen ; the women for feare of faUing, 
and especially the leiueten ant's wife, huggling the 

® We see that the " nicely sanded floor " is rather a modern 
luxury. It is probable that both in England and France the 
custom was originally almost peculiar to towns and villages on 
the coast,, where the inhabitants would have no difficulty in ob- 
taining this article from the beach;, as at Deal and Calais. 



JUNE 1675. 11 

water-men about the necks till they had almost 
choaked them ; which caused much laughter, though 
our feete and garments wept. 
17 18 Boath rainy weather ; on which som merchants 
cam to us from London. 
19 Wheras our ship was very ill mand, this last night 
our Capt. received an order to presse men. The 
best newes that could com. Bad rainy weather ; 
but it doth not much trouble us, for wee are plotting 
how to intercept marchants or hoys to presse men 
to supply us. And this evening about 10 of the 
clock, our Capt. received a packett, and order to 
sayle speedily ; to which purpose our Capt. gave 
these ensueing instructions to the ship that went 
with us, to be observed from Deale to Tangeare, 

Sayling Ordei's June the 20^ 1675 ; bettveene his Majesty's Ship 
Assistance, under the comaimd of Capt. William Moulding, 
and the other Ships then under his conduct. 

1. If wee weigh in the day time^, wee will loose our fore top- 
sayle^ and fyre on gun. If in the nighty wee will fyre on gun^ 
and put forth a light in the fore top mast shrouds ; which 
light is to be answered by every shipp in the same place. 

2. If wee tack in the nighty wee will put out two lights^ on in 
the mizon shrouds^ the other in the fore shrouds^ of equall 
hight. 

3. If wee anchor in the nighty wee will fyre one gun^ and put 
out a light in the mizon shrouds^ which light is to be answered 
in the sam place. 

4. If wee lye by in the night, or try, or hull, by reason of bad 
weather, wee will fyre on gun, and put out two lights in our 
mizon shrouds of equall hight, which lights are to be an- 
swered ; and when wee make sayle, weel make the signe as 
for weighing in the night. 



JUNE 1675. 12 

5. If wee should chance to see any ship in the night, the dis- 
coverer is to fyre a muskett, and to make false fyres. And if 
wee should not know on another^ the hayler shall ask^ What 
ship is that ? the other shall answer, Roy all Highness ; and 
the hayler shall say^, Prosper. 

6. If any be opressed by reason of carrying sayle^, he is to hang 
out a light att bow^sprett end, and to fyre a gun, and to make 
false fyres now and then, till he be assisted. 

7 If any spring a leake, or be in distresse by day, let him make 
a weft, and halle up his sayles that his weft may be seene, 
whereby to repay re to him. If in the night, to fyre on gun^ 
and to put out 4 lights of equall hight. 

8. If it prove foggy weather by night or day, wee must ring 
our bells, and fyre a musket now and then. And in dark 
nights, each ship to carry a light. 

9. No ship shall presume to goe a head of the light in the 
night. 

10. If any loose company in foule weather, and meete againe, 
those to windward shall let run theire topsayls, and those to 
leeward shall hall up theire foresayles, and mizons if they are 
abroade. 

11. If wee loose company betweene this and Plim worth, our 
rendisvouse is at Plimworth ; if betweene that and Tangeare, 
Tangeare. 

(20) No prayers to day. Wee are makeing ready to 
sayle ; and are under say le after dinner; yet wee 
drink a health to all our friends behind us, in a good 
bowle of punch ; knowing now that wee shall goe 
not only to Trypoly but to convoy the Syppio, 
fraught with 27,000 dollars, to Scanderroonde. 

And now may you see our mornefuU ladys sing- 
ing lacrimce, or loath to depart ; whilst our trum- 
pets sownd — Mayds where are your harts , &c. Our 
noble Capt. (though much bent on the prepara- 



JUNE 1G75. 13 

tion for his voyage,) yet might you see his hart fUl 
of trouble to part from his lady and his sonn and 
heu'e ; whoe though so younge, yet with his mayd 
to leade him by his dading sleeves, would he goe 
fi'om gun to gun, and put his fingar to the britch of 
the gun, and cry Booe ; whilst the mother, like a 
woman of greate discretion, seemes no whit troubled, 
that her husband might be the lesse so. But our 
leiuetenant's wife was like weeping Rachell, or 
mornefiill Niobe ; as also was the boats waines wife : 
indeede all of them Hke the turtle-doves, or young 
pigions, true emblems of mourning. Only our mas- 
ter's wife, of a more masculine spirit, or rather a 
virago, lays no such grieve to her hart ; only, like one 
that hath eaten mustard, her eys are a little redd. 

SivaTTt TTapa to crvvEaOai rov^ (t)7ra(;. 

And now being sayling out of the Downes about 
4 of the clock, accompanyd with the Sypio, [Scipio] 
the Smyrna merchant ; and the Mary, a Maligo [ik/«- 
lagd] man; wee are bade good speede with guns from 
every ship there ; whilst wee thank each ship in the 
same language. Our Capt. intended to set the women 
all on shoare at Deale ; but finding no convenience 
there of a coatch, he carrys them to Dover. About 
1 at night (haveing beene hindred by pressing som 
men as wee went alonge) wee cam to an anchor 
in Dover roade ; where rod severall merchants at 
anchor when wee cam in ; but, for feare of our 
pressing their men, stole away in the night. 
21 The sunn riseing gives us a full vew of Dover 
Gastle, cituate so on a hill, and with severall other 



JUNE 1675. 14 

conveniencys, that it commands all aboute that is 
within *its reach boath by sea and land, and itselfe is 
impregnable. 

The towne (formerly famouse for trading, with 
many tall ships belonging to her, but now have- 
ing lost it, is much impoverished) lyes in a deepe 
bay, in a halfe-moone, incompassed with steepe hills 
on boath syds ; and, to prevent invasion, is fortifyed 
with 3 severall block-houses, commaunded by 3 
severall commanders ; so that a boate cannot pas 
without leave from these. By 6 in the morning all 
our ladys are sent on shoare in our pinnace ; whose 
weeping eys bedewed the very sids of the ship, as 
they went over into the boate, and seemed to have 
chosen (might they have had their will) rather to have 
stuck to the syds of the ship like the barnacles, or 
shell-fish, then to have parted from us. But they 
were no sooner out of sight but they were more 
merry ; and I could tell with whom too, were I so 
minded. 

As soone as the boate was put off from the 
ship, wee honour their departure with 3 cheares, 7 
gunns,^ and our trumpetts sounding. They in the 

* The custom of saluting with an odd number of guns ap- 
pears to have been observed from a very early period : the origin 
of the usage^ as peculiar to the navy, is not ascertained ; but it 
probably arose^, as well for the sake of a distinction after 
noticed:, as from the predilection in favour of odd numbers, 
which has existed from a very remote antiquity. Brandy in his 
Observations upon Popular Antiquities, &c. says, '^'^All odd 
numbers were considered fortunate by our ancestors, except 13, 
which was ominous : thus all remedies are directed to be taken 
3, 7j or 9 times. Salutes with cannon consist of odd numbers ; 



JUNE 1675. 15 

interim (as farr as they could see us, holding up 
their hands with Eola, saying Vale longum!) doe close 
the devotions not as of olde the hethens used — IHi 
Deceq; omnes, S^c. ! but Father, Sonn, and Holy 
Ghost, be with you all ! But soone forget us. Now 
haveing done with our DaHlahs or Myrmidons, and 
our pinnace being com againe from shoare, wee 
hoyst up oiu" maine sayle, &c. and make way as fast 
as wee can. 

'Twas not longe before wee had past the coasts of 
Kent, and entered upon the borders of Sussex, but wee 
discover a sayle, out of our reach, ergo tooke the lesse 
notice of us as a man of warr. Our Captaine takeing 
the prospective \_glass], discovered her to be a Hol- 
lander, and a man of warr ; and presently commanded 
to tack uppon her: which they soone perceiving, (like 
a cowardly dogg that lys downe when he sees one 

this predilection for odd numbers is very ancient^ and is men- 
tioned by Virgil in his 8th Eclogue." 

The Discourse on Marine Affairs before noticed^ in treating of 
the salutes and ceremonies observed between vessels at sea or in 
harbour, after stating that salutes are given with such a num- 
ber of guns as is proportioned to the rank of the person, or su- 
periority of the ship saluted, and according to the ability of the 
ship saluting, and are always of an odd number, proceeds thus : 
" The odd nomber is^ in these wayes of salute and ceremonie, 
soe observable at sea, that whensoever anie gunnes are given in 
an even nomber, it is received for an infallible expression that 
either the Captaine, or master, or master gunner, is dead in the 
voiage. It is a generall custome alsoe uppon the deathe either 
of the captaine, master, master gunner of the shippe, or anie other 
pryme officer, when the corpse is toe bee throwne overboarde, to 
ringe his knell and farewell with some gunns, the which are 
allwaies to bee of an even nonmhert' 



JUNE 1675. 16 

com that he feares,) loares not only his top sayle, 
but claps his sayle to the mast, and lys by. This 
satisfys us, as unworthy of so pittifuU an onsett ; 
and wee keepe on our course as before. Yet I can 
not forget the words of our noble Capt. viz. I wish 
I could meete with on that would not vaile his bon- 
nett,^*^ that I might make woorke for my brethren at 



^'^ The supremacy of England at sea„ as enforced in the time 
t)f Charles II. is curiously illustrated in a treatise published in 
1672, entitled " The Dutch Usurpation, or a Brief View of the 
behaviour of the States General, &c. " by William de Britaine. 

" It doth appear by the records in the Tower, and the munici- 
pal laws of this nation, that the Kings of England have ever 
had, from the time of the Romans, an absolute and uninterrupted 
right and exclusive property in the sovereignty of the British seas, 
in the passages and fishing thereof, and have power to make laws 
and exercise supreme jurisdiction over all persons and in all 
cases within or upon the said seas, as it was agreed in the 26th 
year of King Edward I, (1297) by the agents and ambassadors 
of Genoa, Catalognia, Spain, Almaigne, Zealand, Holland, 
Frieslaud, Denmark, Norway, and divers other places in the 
empire, and by all the states and princes of Europe." Record, 
26 Ed. 1. de superioritate Maris Anglici. 

The enforcement of salutes from foreign vessels is thus no- 
ticed in the same work : — 

^^ The next point is the striking of the sail, which is nothing 
but a humble acknowledgment of his Majesty's sovereignty of 
the British seas, and a grateful submission for their liberty to 
pass upon them ; for strangers (by the laws and customs of the 
British seas) being to passe those seas either in coming to Eng- 
land or going to any other place, (without so much as touching 
upon any of his Majesty's dominions,) have used to take safe 
conducts and licences of the Kings of England, to secure 
and protect them in their voyage. Rot. Franciae 11. Henry IV. 
de salvo conductu ; and of this usage the precedents are ex- 
ceeding numerous amongst the records in the Tower. The 
striking of the sail is one of the ancientest prerogatives of the 



JUNE 1675. 17 

White Hall ; meaning officers that were out of im- 
ployment. 
22 Haveing say led all night, and with a scant wind, 
yet in the morning wee are got as far as the Beachy, 
and over against the 7 CHifs ; and haveing fay re 
weather, wee goe to prayers at 10, and to dinner at 
12. No life at the shoare being comparable to this 
at sea, where wee have good meate and good drinke 

crown of England ; and in the 2nd year of King John^ it was 
declared at Hastings by that monarch, for a law and custom of 
the sea. That if a lieutenant on any voyage, being ordained by 
the King, doth encounter upon the sea any ship or veisel, laden 
or unladen, that will not strike or vail their bonnetts at the 
commandment of the lieutenant of the King, or of the admiral 
of the King, or his lieutenant, but will fight against them of the 
fleet, that if they can be taken they be reputed as enemies ; 
their ships, vessels, and goods, taken and forfeited as the goods 
of enemies ; and that the common people being in the same be 
chastised by imprisonment of their bodies. Inter Leges Mari- 
nas, Anno 2 Johannis Regis." 

In the '' General Instructions to Commanders in the Navy" 
temp. William and Mary, (Bib. Harl. N*' 1898,) the 31st 
article is as follows. 

Art. XXXI. ^^Upon your meeting with any ship or ships 
within their Majesties seas, (which for your better guidance 
herein, you are to take notice they extend to Cape Finisterre,) 
belonging to any prince or state, you are to expect that in theyr 
passing by you, they strike their topsail and take in their flag, 
in acknowledgment of their Majesty s soveraignty in those seas ; 
and if any shall refuse to do it, or ofi^er to resist, you are to use 
your utmost endeavour to compeU them thereunto, and in no 
wise to suffer any dishonour to be done to their Majesties. 
And you are further to take notice that in their Majestys seas 
their Majestys ships are in no wise to strike to any ; and that in 
other parts no ship of their Majestys is to strike her flag or 
topsail to any foreigner unless such foreigner shall have first 
struck.*' 



JUNE 1675. 18 

provided for us, and good company, and good di- 
vertisments ; without the least care, sorrow, or 
trouble ; which wiU be continued if wee forget not 
our duety ; viz. loyalty and thankfullnes. 

23 In the morning wee are as far as the He of 
Wyte, which lyes very high towards the sea, finely 
cituate, and very fertill. Here is plenty of crabbs 
and lobsters, but wee cannot goe on shoare for them. 
This is that little spott so much envyd by the 
French, whoe have often attempted it, but were forct 
to retreate with greate dammage. Here wee are 
calmed all day, and doe recreate ourselves with feast- 
ing Capt. Mauris and his gentlemen, in requitaU of 
their kindnes to our Capt. the day before. 

24 Midsummar day, and wee are calmed still over 
against the He of Wyte, and within kenn of Port- 
land, though 30 leages from us. This day 2 sea- 
men that had stolen a peice or two of beife, were 
thus shamed: they had their hands tyd behind 
them, and themselves tyd to the maine mast, each 
of them a peice of raw beife tyd about their necks 
in a coard, and the beife bobbing before them Hke 
the knott of a crevatt ; and the rest of the seamen 
cam one by one, and rubd them over the mouth with 
the raw beife ; and in this posture they stood 2 
howers.^^ 

" The system of naval punishment for minor offences, ap- 
pears at all times to have rested very much upon the discretion 
of the commander. The most usual modes of correction at 
sea during the greater part of the 17th century, seem to have 
been the capstan, the bilboes^ and ducking: as these punish- 
ments have been abrogated by the improvements of modern dis- 



JUNE 1675. 19 

25 Still that wind that is, is against us, and wee are 
a little nearer to Portland ; but the wind is so little 
that as one tyde carrys us forward, the next carrys 

cipline, it is worth while^ as an antiquarian curiosity, to select 
from tlie " Dialogicall Discourse of Marine Affaires/' before 
mentioned^ the following account of these various punishments. 

The capstan: — "A capstan barr being thrust through the 
hole of the barrell, the offenders armes are extended to the full 
length;, and soe made faste untoe the barr croswise, having 
sometymes a basket of bulletts^, or some other the like weighte, 
hanginge abowte his necke, in which posture he continues untill 
he be made either to confesse some plotte or cryme whereof he is 
pregnantlie suspected, or that he have received such condigne 
sufferinge as he is sentensed to undergoe by command of the 
Captaine." — " The punishment of the bilboes is when a delin- 
quent is putt in irons, or in a kinde of stocks used for that pur- 
pose, the which are more or lesse heavy and pinching, as the 
qualitie of the offense is proved against the delinquent." — '' The 
ducking att the mayne yarde arme is, when a malefactor by 
having a rope fastened under his armes and abowte his myddle, 
and under his breatche, is thus hoysed upp to the end of the 
yarde ; from whence hee is againe vyolentlie lett fall intoe the 
sea, sometymes t\vyse, sometymes tlu*ee severall tymes one after 
another ; and if the offense be verye fowle, he is alsoe drawne 
under the verye keele of the shippe, the which is termed keel- 
haling ; and whilst hee is thus under water a great gunn is given 
fire righte over his head ; the which is done as well toe astonishe 
him the more with the thunder thereof, which much troubleth 
him, as toe give warning untoe all others toe looke out, and toe 
beware by his harmes." We are induced to quote some pas- 
sages relative to the heavier inflictions of the old discipline. "The 
executions and capitall punishments I finde to be thus in 
Queene Elisabeths tyme aborde her owne shippes. If anye one 
mann killed another, he was to be bownde to the dead mann 
and soe thrown intoe the sea. If anye one drew a weapon 
wherewith to stryke his Captaine, he was to loose his righte 
hande. If anye one drew a weapon within borde in anye waye 
of tumult or murder, he was toe loose his righte hande. If anye 
one pilfered, or stole awaye anye goods or monies from anye of his 

c 2 



JUNE 1675. 20 

us back. Here wee hayle to us a merchant man, 
and 2 hoys ; out of which wee presse 6 seamen. 
26 The wind very high, and scant, yet wee make a 
shift to hayle in 2 hoys, and change som men. And 



fellowes, he was to be thryse ducked att the boltsprite^ and then 
to be dragged at the bote sterne^ and sett on shoare upon the 
next land with a lofe of bread and a cann of beere. If anye one 
practysed to steal awaye anye of her Majestys shyppeSj, the Cap- 
taine was to cause him to be hanged by the heeles untill his braines 
were beaten oute against the shyppes sides^, and then to be cutt 
downe and lett fall intoe the sea. If anye one slept in his 
watche, for the first time he was toe be headed with a buckett of 
water ; for the second time he was toe be haled upp by the 
wrysts^ and toe have two bucketts of water poured intoe his 
sleeves ; for the thirde time he was toe be bounde to the mayne 
inast with plates of iron, and to have some gun chambers or a 
basket of buUetts tied to his armes^, and soe to remaine at the 
pleasure of the Captaine ; for the fourthe time he was to be 
hanged at the bolt sprite, with a cann of beere and a biscott of 
breade and a sharpe knife, and soe to hange and chuse whether 
he woulde cutt himselfe downe and fall intoe the sea, or hange 
still and starve. If anye one marryner or soldier stole awaye 
from her Majestys service without ly cense of his Captaine, Jiee 
was to bee hanged. If anye one did mutinye aboute his allowde 
proportion of victuals, he was to be layde in the bilboes during 
the Captaine's pleasure As for all pettie pillferinges and com- 
missiones of thatt kinde, those were generallie punished with the 
whippe, the offender beinge to that purpose bounde faste to the 
capstan ; and the waggerie and idleness of shyppe boyes paid by 
the boatswayne with a rodde, and commonlie this execution is 
done upon the Mondaye morninges, and is soe frequentlie in 
use that some meere seamen and saylers doe believe in goode 
earnest that they shall never have a faire winde untill the 
poore boyes be duelye brought to the chest ; that is, whipped, 
every Monday morninge." 

The punishment of the bilboes is somewhat differently de- 
scribed by Steeveris, in his notes to Shakspeare,— Hamlet, act 5, 
scene 2. 



JUNE ]675, 21 

towards evening wee ly on the deck, and drink 
healths to the King, and our wives, in boules of 
punch. 
(27) Wee discover 6 sayle far from us; supposing them 
French men ;^^ therfore wee provid accordingly. 

*■- It may elucidate some passages of this Diary, to oiFer a 
brief view of the political relations of England with France and 
the United Provinces from 1667 to 1677- 

In 1667 there were three distinct treaties of peace signed at 
Breda, with the Dutch, the Danes, and the French, aU of which 
were ratified at Westminster on the 24th of August 1667- The 
terms upon which peace was made with the Dutch were safe and 
honourable to Great Britain, though perhaps not so glorious as 
might have been expected, after such a war as had just termi- 
nated. This peace with the Dutch continued to exist in 
a state of feverish irritation on both sides until the year 1672 ; 
when, under the influence of the French interest, war was 
again proclaimed with the States, a step considered at the time as 
prejudicial to the interest of this country and the protestant 
cause, and dangerous to the balance of power in Europe. 
Hostilities thus resolved on. Sir Robert Holmes, who began 
the former war by his reprisals in Guinea, had orders to 
open this too, though without any previous declaration, by at- 
tacking the Smyrna fleet. In pursuance of these arrangements, 
a squadron under the command of Sir Robert sailed from 
the Downs, and on the 13th of March fell in with the Dutch 
fleet, which consisted of about 50 sail of merchant ships with 
an escort of 6 men of war. Upon nearing them our squad- 
ron fired a shot to make them strike their flag and lower 
their topsails as usual, which they refused to do ; and upon this 
the fight began, which lasted till night, and was renewed the 
next morning ; when the Dutch fleet was in a manner ruined. 
War was now solemnly declared in London on the 28th of the 
same month ; but Charles found it extremely diflicult to obtain 
supplies for carrying on the war ; nevertheless he persevered 
until the House of Commons having, in 1673, upon occasion. 
of granting a very large supply to the King, plainly disowned 
the Dutch war, and the assistance he expected from the 



JUNE 1675. 22 

Chests and hammacks goe all downe ; our gunns all 
ready ; and wee tack towards them. Coming nearre, 
they prove our East India merchants ; each of them 

French King falling fai* short of his necessities^ Charles in the 
early part of 1674 informed both Houses that he should not 
be averse to a peace with Holland, upon terms consistent 
with his honour and the interests of the country. This inti- 
mation was seized with avidity by the friends of both parties ; 
and measures were adopted and followed up with so much ac- 
tivity that on the 28th of February 1674, a separate treaty was 
concluded with the Dutch, and formally proclaimed in London. 
By this treaty it was agreed that the ships and vessels belonging 
to the States should strike their flag and lower their topsails to 
those of England, in all seas, &c. between Cape Finisterre and 
Point Van Staten in Norway ; and this submission was to be 
considered no longer as a matter of courtesy, but of right. 

Although these negotiations were settled without the concur- 
rence of France, Louis does not appear to have complained much 
of the defection of his ally in making a separate peace with 
the Dutch, but accepted his offer of mediating between both 
parties ; and a congress was held at Nimeguen in July 1 675, 
although, as might have been expected, the good offices of Charles 
were productive of nothing but disappointment. 

England was now at peace with Europe; but, since its friendly 
relations with Holland had been restored, the French privateers 
infested the Channel in such a manner, that, without any re- 
gard to the neutrality of England, they seized her ships, and, as 
if in open war, made prizes of them. It was this description of 
enemy that the fleet in which Teonge sailed expected to en- 
counter. Within a twelvemonth from the date of the peace, it 
was proved that they had taken fifty- three vessels ; and at last 
their conduct became so intolerable, that the Commissioners of 
Trade were obliged to present a report concerning these in- 
dignities to the King, who, in consequence, sent directions to the 
ambassador at Paris to make complaints on the subject. The 
complaints were made, but that was all the satisfaction the 
merchants could obtain ; for the Court of France, knowing that 



JUNE 1675. 23 

salute us with 5 gunns, and wee answer accordingly ; 
the last gave us 7 ; and each give us one back, but 
the last gave us 3. And thus wee part ; but this 
meeting hind red our prayers, for 'tis not a time to 
pray when wee are ready to fight. And the wind 
being very scant, wee cam with much a doe to an 
anchor in Plimworth {^Plymouth} roade, betweene 
Saint Francis Castle, (that being on the left hand,) 
and Batten's Mount, on the right hand. 
28 This morning wee salute the Castle with 9 gunns ;'^ 
they answer with as many ; wee returne our thanks 
with 3 more. And wee spend our time in vewing 
the severaU mounts, and new cittydeU, (lately 
built by King Charles the 2d,) in our prospective 
glasses. 

Charles would not break with them upon so trifling a matter, 
took no notice of them^ nor was their attention any more called 
to it. The King's indolence, however, produced this effect, that 
the people of England, enraged to see themselves exposed to the 
piracy of the French, were extremely desirous of a war with 
them, in order to be revenged, and impatiently waited the 
meeting of parliament, in the belief that it would be more 
careful of the interests of the nation than the King seemed to be. 

The Houses, which had been adjourned by Charles for rather 
more than fifteen months, met in 1677; and the country being 
irritated by the continued aggressions, and alarmed by the ra- 
pidly increasing power of France as well as by the humiliated 
state of the United Provinces, now almost subdued. Parliament 
at last addressed the King that he would immediately enter into 
a league, offensive and defensive, with the States-general of the 
United Provinces, against the growth and power of the French 
King, and for the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands. 

^' In later times His Majesty's ships have been expressly for- 
bidden to salute His Majesty's forts or castles. 



JUNE 1675. 24 

This is a very commodious poart or< haven; have- 
ing 2 severall harbom^s that will hold at least 200 
sayle to ride securely, being so fenced with castles 
and fortifications, that nothing can hurt them. But 
especially that famous cittideB lately built, makes the 
place impregnable, being on of the strongest ports of 
England. This was that place so famouse lately for 
its rebellion against K. Charles the first of blessed 
memory ; and hither did that rebell Essex escape 
when he fled out of Cornwall, and left behind aU his 
army of foote, with bagg and baggage/^ 

29 This day I intended to have gon a shoare ; but the 
wind blew fayre, and our Capt. haveing taken in 
som fresh provisions, gave order to sayle ; and out 
wee goe almost to the Ram-head poynt.^^ 

30 Our men not being yet com on board, nor the fly- 
boate i<^ that was to goe with us, our Capt. stands in 
againe, gives then a gunn to commaund them off, 
then sends them another shott which cam neare them, 
signifying the Capt.'s greate anger : this brings 

- them away. Now the wind blowes fresh ; and wee 
with our companions, 6 in number, make for Tan- 
geare. Deus vortat bene! 

" Of this retreat of the Earl of Essex there is a MS. account 
in the Harleian Collection^ N° 939^ intituled " A Continuation 
of the Actions^ Moovings^, & Marches of His ISla}^^ with his 
Army from y« time they left Cornwall, Sep. 5**, 1644." This 
Journal was written by Mr. SymondS;, a chaplain in the King's 
army, and contains a great deal of interesting matter. 

*^ The western promontory of Plymouth Sound. 

*^ What would now be called a tender. 



JUNE 1675. 25 

Our stay, though slK)rt, got provinder good store, 

Beife, porke, sheepe, ducks, geese, chickens, henns, gallore.'^ 

Syder, beare, brandy, bred : — and somthing more 

I could have told you had I gon a shoare. 

About 1 1 of the clock wee passe by the Eddy 
Stone, or Muestone/^ being a small rock, not much 
longer than a 4th rate frigott, lying South from the 
Ram-head, about 3 leages from land ; wheron many 
a good ship hath beene sphtt. At low water you 
may see it ; but at a high water 'tis covered 4 or 5 
fathom, and lyes the more dangerouse, because 'tis 
so farr from land, and also under water. Thence 
wee passe by the coasts of Cornwall to the Lizard, 
whether wee cam by 6 of the clock, haveing a 
fresh gale. And here I bad adue to Old England ; 
for no more Enghsh land was to be secne after that. 
July 1. This day wee enter upon the Bay of Biscay ; where 
wee find the seas very smooth, contrary to our ex- 
pectacion : and wee have a fayre gale, and see non 
but our owne company, of which two sayle very 
heavily, and hinder much : and towards evening wee 
lite of [light 072\ a Vkginea man, and presse 3 stout 
seamen. 
2 The wind has favored us since wee cam from 
Plim worth, as much as it was against us before: 
crossing the old proverb— the wind from North-est 

'^ Gallore, for plenty, is still in use in Ireland and has been 
thought an Irish word, but we find it in the English " Dictio- 
nary of the Vulgar Tongue." 

^^ The worthy Chaplain mistakes. The IVIuestone and Eddy- 
stone are different rocks; the former at the East entrance of 
the Sound; the latter where he describes it. 



JULY 1675. 26 

neyther good for man nor beast, is the best for us : 
which to mee is an absolute portendor of a prosper- 
ous voyage ; for, if the worst of winds be to us 
propicious, the best must needs be prosperous. 

3 Still on the Bay of Biscay, and almost calmed. 
Here wee over haule the seamen s chests, and order 
only 2 for a messe, and the rest to be staved, 
least they trouble the ship in a fight. Here the 
porpuses com tumbling in greate multitudes. Wee 
end the day and weeke with drinking to our 
wives in punch-bowles. 
(4) Wee have a sermon in the morning, and prayers 
in the afternoone ; and though wee have no wind, 
our ship doth rowle so much, that wee can scarce 
stand or goe on the decks. The dishes run off the 
table at dinner, the chayres tumble ore and ore, and 
the bottles of wine stand not without holdeing ; 
wherat a Jew, that could speake very little English, 
sayd, the ship was very drunken. Here wee see 
severaU of those great fishes called the jubartus, or 

. grampus, spurting up water a great hight. Som 
thinke this to be the whale ; others say 'tis a different 
species. On cani neare us, at least adjudged to be 
30 yards longe. This afternoone wee have a small 
breese, by the help of which wee creepe on a little, 
but wee find it still increasing. 

5 The wind favouring us all night, brought us joy- 
fully on this morning ; and our Capt. lys by for the 
fly-boate ; now at least a leage a starne^ whilst the 
Sypio and Maligo man com under our starne with a 
how doe ye. The fly-boate coming up, wee toe her 



JULY 1675. 27 

with our ship, put out more sayle, and begin to looke 
for the Sowthern Cape. 

6 The North-east wind blowing fresh, (fearing least 
wee should pull her in peices, for shee was very 
weake,) wee let the fly-boate loose to shift for her- 
selfe : And wheras wee ran but 4 knotts in a mi- 
nute before, wee run 7 now, and with lesse sayle 
abroade. Now very often the seas breake over our 
wask, and com in at our scuttles, and doe us som smaU 
injury s. Now our table and chayres are lashed fast 
to the boardes ; our dishes held on the table, and our 
bottles of wine held in our hands. Many in the ship 
are casting up their reckonings, and not able to eate 
or drinke. I am very well. The Syppio closse by 
us rowled off her top-gaUant mast. 

7 The wind still fayre and fresh ; but our companions 
hinder us ; aU our recreation is to see the grampusses 
play about us, and som few foule, for nothing else 
but sea is to be scene. 

8 Now wee are calmed, and begin to looke for som 
of the Sally men, if they dare be so bould to com in 
our way. Our gunns are made ready, and som mus- 
ketts brought on the quarter deck : but non coms. 

9 Wee toe the fly-boat againe, and make ready our 
studding sayles and boomes ; And also make nett 
woorke to arme the quarter deck. 

1 Wee are past the Rock of Lysbon, but could not 
discover it by reason of the fogg. This day our noble 
Capt. feasted the officers of his small squadron with 
4 dishes of meate, viz. 4 excellent henns and a 
peice of porke boyled, in a dish; a giggett of ex- 



JULY 1675. 28 

cellent mutton and turnips ; a peice of beife of 8 
ribbs, well seasoned and roasted ; and a couple of 
very fatt greene geese ; last of all, a greate Chesshyre 
cheese : a rare feast at shoare. His liquors were 
answerable ; viz. Canary, Sherry, Renish, Clarett, 
white wine, syder, ale, beare, all of the best sort ; 
and punch like (as plentiful as) ditch water ; with 
which wee conclude the day and weeke in drinking 
to the Kinge, and all that wee love ; while the wind 
blowes fayre. 
(11) The wind is very calme, and I preacht a ser- 
mon ; text, Luke viii. 1 5. 

12 This morning wee steare South-east ; the weather 
very hazey ; and wee looke out, thinking to discover 
land. Som on the maine topp force their conceight 
into a beleife ; but in vaine : no land yet. This 
day our Capt. is invited, (with the rest of the com- 
manders of the fleete,) on boarde the Smyrna factore ; 
when our Captaine cam off, she salutes us with 5 
gunns ; wee give thankes with 3. Shee also gave 

■ the Syppio 3. There shee leaves us, being bound 
for Cales her selfe. 

13 Very calme, and a brite hott day, good for the 
haymakers a shoare ; and here a grampus of a greate 
bignes she we himselfe neare us above the water, as 
high as an ordinary cottage, but far longer. 

14 Very calme and hott; the wind not stirring till 
eleven of the clock, yet at 4 in the afternoon e wee 
discover land, viz. the coasts of Barbary, lying very 
high. Now wee rejoyce, haveing not scene any land 
since wee bad adue to fayre England. And now 



JULY 1675. 29 

also wee see the Spanish coasts on the left hand, and 
in way of rejoycing wee have severall boules of 
punch drank round about the ship. The wind 
being fayre, and the evening drawing on, the Ma- 
ligo man salutes us with 3 gunns, and taks his leave. 

No sooner from our top-mast head wee see 

The Turkish hills, the coasts of Barbary, 

But Spaine salutes uS;, and her shoares discloses,, 

And lofty hills against the Turks opposes. 

Wee sayle twixt boath, playing at handy dandy 

With noble bowles of punch, and quarts of brandy. 

15 By 9 this morne wee com to an anchor in Tan- 
geare Bay.^^ About 10 I went on shoare with our 

'^ The state of Tangier in 1675 is minutely described in this 
passage of the Diary ; but it may be curious to trace the de- 
struction of this fort within a very few years after our author's 
visit : — 

Tangier having been taken from the Moors by Alonzo V. of 
Portugal, in 1463, continued in possession of the Portuguese 
until 1661, when a treaty of marriage being concluded between 
Charles II. and his cousin the Infanta of Portugal, with whom 
he was to receive a portion of 300,000/., the island of Bombay in 
the East Indies, and the city of Tangier in Africa ; the Earl of 
Sandwich was sent with a numerous fleet to receive the portion 
and conduct the Princess to England. He left the Downs on 
the 19th of June 1661, and sailed first to Lisbon and then to 
Tangier, which place was put into the hands of the English on 
the 30th of January 1662, the Earl of Peterborough then march- 
ing into it with an English garrison, and having the keys de- 
livered to him by the Portuguese governor. Shortly afterwards 
Tangier was declared a free port, and invested with great privi- 
leges ; it was strong when the Portuguese gave it to England, 
but the works were so greatly improved by the latter as to be 
deemed impregnable A superb Mole was constructed, which 
ran six hundred yards into the sea, and its stones were so 
strongly cemented together as to acquire the strength of a 



JULY 1675. 30 

Capt. only to vew the place. My companion was our 
doctor, Mr. Thomas Sheapard, and his young son- 
in-law. Hee took mee with him to see an old ac- 



solid rock. New walls were built^ the castle enlarged and re- 
paired, the city re-edified, and the harbour greatly improved. 
The Portuguese church was a superb edifice, and the two Eng-t 
lish churches of great beauty. These improvements were for 
some time carried on by several societies or partnerships in Eng- 
land, who raised vast sums of money for the purpose of per- 
fecting the work, but they ultimately failing, it was taken up 
by the nation, and all difficulties being overcome, the whole was 
finished in such a manner that it might be said to vie with the 
works of the Romans themselves. 

In 1680 it was besieged by the king of Morocco, and Charles 
applied to Parliament, recommending its preservation, and point- 
ing out its importance to our commerce in the Mediterranean ; he 
also gave them to understand that the two millions already ex- 
pended on it would be entirely thrown away unless speedy and 
efiiectual supplies were granted for its relief. In reply to this 
the House of Commons took occasion to express their dislike to 
the management of the garrison kept there, which they sus- 
pected to be no better than a nursery for a popish army ; and 
plainly stated their disinclination to provide for it any longer, 
unless perfectly satisfied that their suspicions were unfounded. 
Upon this understanding the King determined at once to destroy 
the works, and abandon the place altogether. Accordingly, in 
1683, Lord Dartmouth was constituted Captain General of his 
Majesty's forces in Africa, and Governor of Tangier, and sent 
with a fleet of about twenty sail to demolish and blow up the 
works, destroy the harbour, and bring home the garrison. This 
he performed efi*ectually ; but so strongly had the masonry been 
cemented together that they were forced to drill holes in it and 
blow it up by piecemeal, and the rubbish of the Mole, and walls 
of the town and castle, being thrown into the harbour com- 
pletely choaked it up. These operations took them upwards of 
six months, and the place was then abandoned to the Moors. 
They hpe since kept it, but notwithstanding their endeavours 
to restorb it to importance by repeopling it, building a pier, and 



JULY 1675. 31 

quaintance, a Captaine, then very consumptive ; 
where wee had good sack. After that wee went to 
vew the forts and cituation of the cytty. It stands 
on the syd of a hill, or rather in a bottom betweene 
two little hills ; on narrow passage leading to it from 
the water, with a steepe ascent closse by on end of a 
stronge castle. The mole not finished, but dayly in 
the summar increased, hath many greate gunns on 
it ; and will be (if they goe on with it) a brave saf- 
gard. The houses are only 2 storys high, flatt rooft, 
and covered with hollow tyles, layd for the most 
part without morter : windows, but no glasse in 
them. The streets very narrow, and full of angles, 
and very roughly paved ; in a word, no comlines at 
all in the whole place. The walls are very high, and 
olde, and much decayed in many places, but fuU of 
good gunns ; and compaseth the towne like a halfe- 
moone, with a very deepe trench about it cut in the 
rock. On the land syd of it there is a pittifuU pala- 
zado, not so good as an olde parke pale, (for you may 
any where almost thrust it downe with your foote), 
and on the out syd a ditch, which seems to have 
been cast up 1000 years since ; for 'tis all most filld 

repairing the castle and walls of the town^ (which while held by 
the English contained above 1500 houses and public edifices^) 
they have not hitherto been able to raise it beyond the rank of a 
mere fishing-town. One circumstance attending the demolition 
by Charles II. deserves notice. He directed a considerable 
number of new coined crown pieces to be buried in the ruins, 
tiiat if, through the vicissitudes of fortune this place should ever 
again be restored to consequence, some memorial might be 
found remaining of its having once belonged to England. 



JULY 1675. 32 

tip. In which palizad stand about 12 forts, within 
reach on of another, well furnished with good gunns. 
But especially the Charles forte, standing a quarter 
of a mile from the towne, and on the top of the hill, 
and faceing a hill farr higher than it selfe is. 

There the doctor and I (desyring to see the fort) 
were invited into a fayre roome by Captaine Charles 
DanielP^ himselfe, and noblely entertayned, after he 
had shewed us the stren gth of his fort. 

Where first of all he gave us a crust of excellent 
bread and 2 bottles of claret, then tooke us into 
his gardens, which lye clearely round about the 
fort, and shadowed with an arboure of vines of all 
sorts, and of his owne planting. Where he hath 
also all sorts of sweete herbes and flowers, and all 
manner of garden stuff; with strawburys and mel- 
lons of all sorts, figgs, and fruit trees of his owne 
planting. Here wee drank severall bottells of wine. 
After this he took us into his sellar, where he feasted 
us with rost beife cold, Westfalia polony pudding, 
parmezant ; gave us cucumbers, musk-mellons, 
salletts, and a reive of Spanish onions as thick as 
my thigh ; stowed us with good wine ; and then, 
loath to let us goe, he sent one of his corporalls 
with us to see us safe to our pinnace. Such a harty 
entertaynment I never saw before from a meare 

^'^ The only notice we can find of this gentleman is in a list of 
officers annexed to a warrant of the Earl of Middleton^ Go- 
vernor-General of Tangier, in 1673-4. By this document, 
which is preserved among the Stoanian Collection in the British 
Museum, Capt. Charles Daniel is nominated a member of a Court 
Martial to be held at Tangier :—it is dated 10th Feb. 1673-4. 



JULY 1675. 33 

stranger ; nor never shall againe till I returne to the 
prince-like Capt. Daniell. From here wee goe to 
the Mole, where wee find our pinnace ; stay a little 
for our Gaptaine ; and then com a board all together, 
somthing late. 
1 6 The wind being fayre for us ; wee are under sayle 
by 10 o'clock towards the Straits mouth; having 
Apes Hill on the right, and Guybralter, alis Gibb- 
litore on the left hand; 7 leages distant, though 
they seem at the vew to bee not above 3 miles. 

Apes Hill is a rock, of a greate hight, and extreame 
steepe : on the top of it lives a Marabott wizord or 
Inchanter ; ~^ and what vessell soever of the Turks 
goes by, gives him a gun as shee goes, to beg a 
fortunate voyage. Here every on that hath not yet 
beene in the Straites pays his doller or must be 
duckt at yard arme. 

Giblettore "^ is also a very high rock, and on the 

^^ " The Moors are principally divided into two sects or families^ 
the Brebers and the Aldrhes; the latter of which usually reside in 
the mountainous parts, and consider themselves the elder, and 
therefore the better house. They are not so civilized as the others, 
but live rudely and rovingly. Robbery is their master-piece 
and best livelihood, and in this estate they much glory as coming 
so near the condition of Muley Muhamed's first votaries. The 
Marabouts, or Saints, are of this sect or division, and are skilled, 
or affect so to be, in the laws of Muhamed j severe in their conver- 
sation, bearing a great ostentation of sanctity, and pretending to 
the gift of prophesy. They compose all sorts of charms, to which 
the Moor is so addicted, that he has one for every occasion." — 
Addison's West Barbary. 

^^ This celebrated spot, the Mons Calpe of the ancients, was 
taken possession of by the Moors at the time of their first coming 
into Spain, in A. D. 713, and from them received the name of 

D 



JULY 1675. 34 

Spanish shoare ; where the towne lyes secure under 
the rock; whereon stands a strong castle, well 
- furnished with aU necessarys. Here is a fayer haven 
before it ; and tis a place of greate strength. On the 
very top of this rock dwells a pilgrim, whoe gives 
notice to the castle and towne what vessells he can 
discover coming eyther way, by hanging out so many 

Gebel Tharek, i. e. the Mount of ThareJc, one of their leaders. 
No mention is made of the town prior to the commencement of 
the 14th century, though it is most probable that it existed 
earlier. The Spaniards, who, in 1309, were besieging Alge- 
zira, made various expeditions by detachments from before that 
place ; in one of which they became masters of Gibraltar, a place 
then considered of no great importance, and the garrison sur- 
rendering to King Ferdinand were permitted, with the inhabi- 
tants, to go over into Africa. From a Moorish inscription on the 
wall of the castle, it appears the latter was built by Walid, the 
1st Caliph, shortly after the Moors got possession of the place. 

It remained under the Spaniards until 1333, when Abomelic, 
eldest son of the King of Morocco, laid seige to it, and after 
giving many furious assaults, during several months, the place 
was surrendered to the Moors, in whose possession it remained 
until 1462, when it was retaken by the troops of the King of 
Castile, under the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, 
It continued one of the brightest jewels of the Crown of Spain 
until wrested from it by the English, under Sir George Rooke, 
in 1704, 242 years after its second conquest by the Spaniards. 
At the time of its reduction by the English many curious 
vestiges of its Moorish lords were still in existence. But 
these, with the far greater part of the buildings of the town, 
which, while in the hands of the Spaniards, contained about 
1200 houses, besides four monasteries, two hospitals, one parish 
church, and several chapels, have necessarily vanished before the 
progressive alterations and improvements that have been carried 
on, almost without intermission, to the present time, and have 
ultimately rendered the Rock of Gibraltar one vast and im- 
pregnable fortress. — Vide James's History of the Straights of 
Gibraltar, Vol. II. 



JULY 1675. 35 

balls as he discovers shipps. And now haveing a 
fayer gale, (haveing left our fly boate at Tangeare) 
we toe the Hull-man to our ship, and merrily sayle by 
the Spanish coaste. 

The Pyrenay hills part France from Spaine. And 
the MediteiTanean sea parts Spaine from Africa and 
Barbary. Spaine was first called Iberia, ah Ibero 
Flumine ; and after that twas called Hispania, ab 
Hispano, The Syrians first placed a colony in the 
He of Gades or Cadiz ; now called Cales : whoe by 
the helpe of Hamillcar, Hasdruball, and Haniball, 
Carthaginians, held it a longe while. It was after- 
wards subdued by the Romans ; who were driven 
thence by the VandaUs ; and they by the Goaths ; 
and they by the Sarazens and Moores ; whoe were 
first subdued by Ferdinand, and after by Phillip the 
3d, both Africans. Spaine was 12 kingdomes. But 
the cheife coate of the King of Spaine is a castle 
quartered with a lion, in re'mbrance of the kingdoms 
Casteale and Lyons. The King of Spaine hath 
co'manded formerly, not only that greate country 
divided into 12 kingdomes; but also of the kingdom 
of Naples, in Italy ; the dutchy of MiUon ; the ilands 
of SiciUia, Sardinia, Evisa major and minor; the 
Canarys ; and many strong places in Barbary, and 
more on the backsyd of Africa; of Mexico in the 
West Indys ; Brazeele ; the islands of the South and 
North Seas, and East Indys. But of late yeares he 
hath lost many of these ; but has much still in the 
East and West Indys. All alonge this Spanish coast 
are light-houses, built in such convenient places, that 

d2 



JULY 1675. 36 

they can give notice one to another of any enemy s 
approaching or landing; to prevent the Turkes, 
whoe many times have stolen upon them, lying 
so neare them, and have many times taken away 
whole family s together; notwithstand the Spanish 
coaste (as also the Barbary) are nothing but moun- 
tains. 
17 This morne we are past Maligo, and com over 
against the Granado hills on the Spanish shoare ; 
which, though they are distant from the shoare 120 
miles, yet are they scene as if not tenn miles from 
thence. On the topps of these hills lye greate 
quantitys of snow all sum'ar longe : and by reason of 
the coolenesse of the ayre, crusted and shining like 
eyce. This day wee begin to exercise our young 
men to the muskett : and also we have made a sayle 
for the starne of the ship, called a water sayle, not 
usuall. At sunn setting wee com over against Cape 
Da Gatt, 60 leages distant from Tangeare ; a place 
where the Turkish pyrats use to ly ; but as yet wee 
see non of them, though we prepare for them. In 
the evening (according to our woonted custum) wee 
end the day with two boules of punch. Much 
litening this evening. 
(18) Wee have a sermon; text, Rom. viii. 28. Wee 
are got but very little forward since yesterday. In 
sermon time cam a very greate scull of porpuses 
on boath syds of our ship : many of them jumping 
their whole length out of the water ; causing much 
laughter. The wind is calme all day, but som- 
times it blowes for halfe an hower, when a 
small shower comes. About 7, we had a fresh 



JULY 1675. 37 

gale ; but raine and very much litening all the night 
after. 
1 9 This morae wee are over against Cape Saint Paule ; 
and with a smaU gale (havein past Cunny Hand, 
called so because nothing but Cunnys are on it) wee 
com neare Aligant ; but the wind failing us, wee can 
not gett in this night. But the Spaniards not discern- 
ing our flagge so far off, tooke us for Turkes ; and 
therfore made severall lites on the shoare, to alarm 
the inhabitants. This night, above all others, I was 
disturbed with strange dreames ; and the death-watch 
(as som call it) all night in my cabine.^^ 

^ Wallis, in his History of Northumberland, gives a very full 
description of the insect called the Death-watch, whose ticking 
has been considered so ominous by superstitious minds. Baxter, 
in his World of Spirits, observes, " there are many things that 
ignorance causeth multitudes to take for prodigies : I have had 
many discrete friends that have been affrighted with the noise 
called the Death-watch; whereas I have since, near three years 
ago, oft found by trial that it is a noise made by a little nimble 
running worm, just like a louse, but whiter and quicker, and it 
is most usually behind a paper pasted to a wall, and especially to 
wainscot, and is rarely if ever heard but in the heat of summer." 
Swift, in his invective against Wood, gives a lively account of one 
of these insects, and furnishes us with a charm to avert the omen. 

" a wood worm 

That lies in old wood, like a hare in her form. 

With teeth or with claws, it will bite or will scratch. 

And chambermaids christen this worm a Death-watch ; 

Because, like a watch, it always cries click. 

Then woe be to those in the house who are sick ; 

For as sure as a gun, they will give up the ghost. 

If the maggot cries click, when it scratches the post. 

But a kettle of scalding hot water injected. 

Infallibly cures the timber affected ; 

The omen is broken, the danger is over^ 

The maggot Avill die, and the sick wiU recover." 



JULY 1675. 38 

20 By 2 of the clock this morne wee are at anchor 
in Aligant roade. On the east end stands the castle, 
upon a very high and steepe rock ; on way only 
leading to it, and that narrow and fuU of turnings. 
It commaunds the whole towne, being so very much 
higher ; and might batter it all downe with stones 
only, if they could be but throne over the castle 
wall. Tis inaccessible save only by that narrow way 
that leads to it : in so much when the Moores were 
driven out of the towne by the Spaniard, som of the 
Moores did, with a greate deale of difficulty, gett up 
into the castle, and kept it against the Spaniard, and 
much anoyd the towne dayly. In a short space, the 
Moores in the castell were all dead, save only on ; 
whoe himselfe kept the castle a whole yeare after all 
his companions were dead ; which the report is were 
gQQ 24 rpj^-g gj[^gig Moore made severall traines of 

^^ We can find nothing in the Spanish histories^ or in any ac- 
count of the Moors in Spain^ which notices or even alludes to 
this tradition of Moorish valour. The Moors were long in 
" possession of Alicante, which they took great pains to fortify, 
and maintained it in a flourishing state until 1264, when it was 
taken from them by James I., King of Arragon. It has been, 
more recently, celebrated for the heroism of its governors, Syburg, 
and D'Albon ; the first of whom, in 1708, held it for the 
Archduke Charles of Austria, and was besieged by the troops of 
King Philip, under the command of the Chevalier d'Asfeldt. 
Having closely invested the place, during a space of three 
months, without gaining any material advantage, Asfeldt caused 
a rock beneath one of the principal bastions to be underminedj 
and conveyed 200 barrels of powder into the cavity. Having all 
things in readiness for the explosion, the governor was informed 
of his situation, and summoned to capitulate. Refusing three 
times, the train was fired, and in a few seconds, the governor. 



JULY 1675. 39 

pouder, leading to severall parts of the castle ; by 
which he could at his pleasure fyre many gunns at 
once, or severally at his pleasure. The enemy (not 
doubting but that there was a considerable number 
of men in the castle, and being constantly troubled 
to keepe a strict watch, for feare of their sallying 
out, and finding that they could noe way force it) 
hangs up a flagg of truce, and propounds honorable 
conditions. The Moore refuseth these, but makes 
articles farr more advantagious for himselfe, and 
throes them ore the castle wall ; to which the enemy 
gladly yeelded, knowing no other way to have it in 
their possession. The gates being opened, the single 
Moore appeares ; they ask for the rest, and search, 
but find non at all ; causing much admiration. Tis 
reported that the mettell was carryd up, and the 
gunns were cast in the castle. The towne is strongly 
walled round ; with several towers in it, and greate 
fortifications on the east of the castle, weU furnished 
with gunns. And on this syd of the towne are 
abundance of olive yards, with many houses in them, 
which appeare hk so many flatt towars or steeples, 
made on purpose for their security ; that if the 
Turks com in (as many times they doe in the night,) 
the Spaniards flee presently into these; pulling up 
their ladder (for they have no doure but what is a 

most of his officers;, and a number of the common soldiers were 
buried amidst the smoking ruin. Notwithstanding this horrible 
destruction. Colonel d'Albon, who succeeded to the command, 
resolved to defend the place to the last extremity, but being after- _ 
wards reduced by want of provisions and ammunition, he sur- 
rendered upon honourable terms, on the 5th of April, 1709. 



JULY 1675. 40 

greate height), and so save themselves, and anoy their 
enemys. These are all built of stone, and flatt 
roofed ; and the place very rich by reason of greate 
trading. Strainge sport here this day in massacrein 
of seven bulls, which they call bull-baiting. From 
hence wee have wines, grapes, plumms, payres, musk- 
mellons, cucu.mbers, onyons, %gs, &c. Little or 
non of the mountayn Aligant to be gott. 

If noble Captaine Aligant had been a shoare, ^ 
Hee would have maymed halfe our men or more. 

This evening, as soone as our Capt. had a little re- 
fresh himselfe, viz. at 9 o'clock, he commaunded to 
wey anchor; and haveing given the signe to our 
companyons, and havein a fayre wind, away wee goe. 
2 1 This morning wee are over against Orlandoes Gapp. 
The tradition is thus : lying east from Aligant, Sir 
Orlando Furioso being by the multitude of Moores 
driven betweene these mountaines (which are a 
woonderfull height, and very steepe,) and the sea 
mth his army, and being there shutt up betweene 
the impassible hills and the sea, he makes a spech 
according to the occasion; and (when as the Moores 
lay in that narrow passage betweene the hills and 
the sea, so that he could by no meanes force a pas- 
sage that way, and intended to starve him and his 
army there,) hee with his men clamberes up those 
craggy rocks, as high as he could possible goe ; and 
then (with what tooles he had) hewed his way 
through the topp of those rocks, through which 
passage he and his army escapes; and fell upon his 
enemys unawares to their greate damage. The 
Hull-man left us on Munday; but this morne wee 



JULY 1675. 41 

have the Unity (a good ship) com up, and salutes us 
with 5 gunns: wee give him thanks with 3; she 
thanks us with on againe ; and so wee sayle on, ex- 
pecting the London, whoe will scarce fetch us up wee 
feare. 

Thus the Assistance, Sypio, Unity, 
( Tria sunt omnia) wee sayle merrily. 
Longing to meete th' expected enemy 
The Turkish Pyratt, rogues of Tripoly. 
Land 's out of sight, the lowd wind 's weswardly. 
And boystrous waves run almost mountains high. 
22 This morne wee are neare the edge of the Gulfe 
of Lyons ; a very dangerouse place for stormes ; 
lying north from us as wee sayle. The winde very 
fayre, and the sea quiet enough, though usually here 
about tis very ruff. This day wee have a fayre on 
our quarter deck ; viz. our pursor opens his pack, 
and sells to the value of 30 pounds or more, shirts, 
drawers, wascots, neckcloats, stockings, shooes, and 
takes no mony for them ; this is newes. 

And now wee are over against the kingdom of 
France ; being of on intyre thing, on of the 
richest and most absolute monarchys in the whole 
world : haveing the English seas on the north, the 
Mediterranean on the south ; very commodious for 
navigation. 

Tis the saying of Maximilian — The Emperor of 
Germany was Rex Regum, the Spaniard Re.v Ho-^ 
minum, the French Rex Asinorum, the English Re.r 
Diabolorum. The originall of the French were the 
Gaules, (whose originall is not well knowne,) a war- 
like people, who sacked Rome, and carryed their 
conquering army into Greece, where they inhabite- 



JULY 1675. 42 

ing, were called Gallo-Gretians, or Gallthians, After 
they were subdued by Julius Caesar, and made sub- 
ject to the Roman empire ; and after, they invaded 
Gaule, and erected a monarchy, continuing to this day, 
Italy tyes on the south syd of the Alpes and 
Germany ; lying north from the Hand of Cycillia 
and the Mediterranean. This country for the shape 
of it, is likened to a longe leafe of a tree, having a 
longe hiU going through the midst of it like the back- 
bone of a fish ; the hill being called Mons Apeninus. 
Twas formerly divided into many parts like so many 
shyres in England, but now tis in 4 parts only ; viz. 
Lumbardy, Tuskany, the land of the Church, which 
is the Pope's teritory, and Naples. In this Italy, 
which in the florishing time of the Romans was on 
intyre government, are now many States and Prince- 
doms ; whereof on of the chiefest are the Vene- 
tians, whose chiefe cytty is Venice which hath but 
on street of firm land in it, the sea flowing into 
the rest every tyde. 

The Venetians have had greater possessions but 
have lost the Hands of Cyprus and Candia, and 
many more to the Turkes. Naples for nobility, 
Rome for rehgion, Millaine for beauty, Florence for 
polesy, and Venice for riches. Soe goes the old saying. 
23 All the last night wee were becalmed, but this 
morning a fayre gale, which carrys us smoothly over 
this longe stretch ; and this morning wee fix our 
chasing sayle, or water sayle at the poope of our 
ship to try how twiU doe against wee have occasion 
to make use of it. 



JULY 1675. 43 

24 Wee had a fayre gale all the last night, and by 
the clearnes of the ayre wee hope for the sam to 
day. No land to be seene, but wee looke out for 
Sardinia ; but are not yet passed past the Gulfe of 
Lyons, but wee feele the effect of that place, though 
wee are so farr from it ; for our ship rowles very 
much. Instead of punch this evening wee drink 
healths to our friends in mountaine Aligant ; which 
was bought with our ducking monys, and this is the 
first time of tapping. 

(25) The hottest day wee have had since wee cam 
into the Straits, and very little wind. Wee have a 
sermon on the same text ; Rom. viii, 28. 

26 This morn brings with it a plesant gale after our 
yesterday's calm; and this morning (as tis the 
use at sea,^^) is black Munday with the boyes, who 
are many of them whipt with a catt with 9 tayles for 
their misdemeanurs, by the boarsons mate. Our 
Capt. and also Capt. Mauris of the Syppio, are in- 
vited on board the Unity, and saluted at their com- 
ing off with 5 guns. The Syppio returnes 5, and 
wee 3. The Unity thanks us with on more, and 
bids good night to boath. 

27 Our pleasant gale held aU night, and continues 
the same still, which brings us to the sight of Sar- 
dinia, an Hand lying high, and above half as bigg 
as England, but nothing so fruitful!: notwithstand- 
ing it hath in it good store of wine, come, and 
cattell, and especially good hoggs. Here is also 

'* See Note 11. page 20. 



JULY 1675. 44 

store of silke ; for now wee are com into the sylken 
country. And here wee passe by the greate Bay of 
Calary. 
28 This morn wee com in vew of the Barbarian 
coasts ; viz. Cape Marabott, on our starboard syde ; 
the kingdom of Tunis, famous for sorcerers. Here 
wee straine our shrouds ; and our Capt. feasts the 
Unity and Syppio with good porke, beife, gheese, 
ducks, henns, chickens ; and for sauce, plenty of 
good sack, mountaine AHgant, clarett, white wine, 
and English ale, the greatest raryty of all. And 
this evening wee are over against a small Hand 
called Zombino, and neare Cape Carthage. Here 
stood old Carthage, the famous structure of Queene 
Dido, of which Virgill gives a large account. The 
cytty is wholly sunk under water ; in so much, that 
as you row in to go to Tunis, if you keepe not the 
very channell, you may with ease see the walls of 
houses or pieces of towers, &c. There is still remain- 
ing part of Queene Dido's toombe, of white and 
black marble, on a small riseing ; and severall valts, 
in the which the Moores make houses and dwell 
there under ground. And in this place are taken 
greate store of mulletts ; of the roes of which, being 
only dryed in the sun, the inhabitants make potargo, 
the greatest regalio of the Straits. These parts are 
very rich, haveing abundance of pulse of all isorts ; 
poltry, catteU, fruits, rice, cottons, sugar, &c. 
29 Haveing past Cape Bona wee are in vew of 
another Hand in the midst of the sea ; lying very 
high, and called Pantalarya; reported to be not 



JULY 1675. 45 

inhabited ; wee find it otherwise ; for, discovering 3 
sayle afar ofFe, wee chase on of them especially, 
which makes to the Hand aforesaid. Wee chase her 
till wee discover a greate towne on the north-west 
part of the Hand, with a fayer casteU ; to which the 
ship (a Hollander as wee suppose,) flyes for shelter. 
The Hand seemes to be a very fruteful place, but 
wee can not stay to see more by reson of our charge 
so farr a starne. 

30 This morn wee com in sight of SycilHa, (haveing 
but a small wind.) A very fruitfuU Hand, stored with 
excellent wheate, and all manner of good commoditys, 
called by many the store-house of provision for the 
Straits ; and is counted the queene of the Mediter- 
ranean for all good things ; and is counted the se- 
cond Hand in the world for frutefullnes ; giveing the 
preheminence to England. 

3 1 Wee are still on the coasts of Sycillia ; where wee 
discover 3 sayles, and downe goe our chests and 
hammacks to prepare for a combate : but they as 
soone discover us, and doe get out of our wae as 
soone as possible they can, stearing towards Sycillia. 
The evening drawing on, wee end the month, 
weeke, and day, as wee used to doe on Satterdays. 

(Aug. 1.) This morn wee com neare Malta ; or as twas 
called formerly Melitta, from the abundance of hony 
they have there, gathred by the bees from the an- 
nice seeds, and flowers thereof, which groe on this 
Hand abundantly. Before wee com to the cytty a 
boate with the Malteese flagg in it coms to us to 
know whence wee cam. Wee told them from Eng- 



AUGUST 1675. 46 

land ; they asted if wee had a bill of health for 
prattick, viz. entertaynment ; our Capt. told them 
that he had no biU but what was in his gunns 
mouths. Wee cam on and anchored in the har- 
bour betweene the old towne and the new, about 9 
of the clock ; but must waite the governour's 
leasure to have leave to com on shoare ; which was 
detarded, because our Capt. would not salute the 
cytty, except they would retaUate. At last cam the 
ConsuU with his attendants to our ship, (but would 
not com on board till our Capt. had been on shoare,) 
to tell us that wee had leave to com on shoare 6 
or 8, or 10 at a time, and might have any thing 
that was there to be had ; with a promise to accept 
our salute kindly. Wherupon our Capt. tooke a 
glasse of sack and drank a health to King Charles, 
and fyred 7 gunns : the cytty gave us 5 againe ; 
which was more than they had don to all our men 
of warr that cam thither before. This being done 
our Capt. sent his lieuetenant and som more of our 

* gentlemen to salute the Grand Master ; and to tell 
him that he would waite on him the next morning.^ 

2 Much longing to see the insyd of this famous 
place, accompanyd two more gentlemen, and my 
man, I went a shoare ; and went quite round about 
the cytty, and vewed the fortifications, which I can 

^^ Nicholas Cotonier was Grand Master in 1675. He was 
elected upon the death of his brother in 1663, and died in April, 
1680, aged 73. In 1675 the King of England sent letters to 
the Grand Master to thank him for the civilities shewn to his 
Admiral and ships when in the harbour ; probably upon this oc- 
casion. 



AUGUST 1675. 47 

not discribe, the whole cytty being as it were on 
perfect rock, furnished with store of brasse gunns (not 
one of iron,) of a vast bignes and length; som of 
them being 23 foote longe. Here needs no centry, 
for there is no getting over the outermost wall if 
leave were given. But besyd that, there are two 
wide and deepe trenches, or dry moates, cut out of 
the maine rock, one within the other ; which are so 
deepe they can not be fild up, and so wide that 
there is no passing over them. And were an army of 
men in the midst of the cytty, yet their worke were 
but in the begining, for each house is a castle. 
Their store-houses for come and other provisions are 
after the manner of wells, cut into the maine rock 
20 fathom deepe and more, and very spaciouse 
in the bottom, but narrow at the top, and covered 
with a massy stone, and closed up with t arras. And 
these they have in greate numbers ; and in severall 
vacant places in the towne, in which they have con- 
stantly corne and all other provisions before hand 
for 3 hundred thousand men for 3 years. 

The hospitall is a vast structure, wherin their 
sick and woonded lye. Tis so broade that 12 men 
may with ease walke a brest up the midst of it ; 
and the bedds are on each syd, standing on 4 yron 
pillars, with white curtens, and vallands, and cover- 
ing, extreamly neate, and kept cleane and sweete : 
the sick served all in sylver plate ; and it containes 
above 200 bedds below, besyds many spatious 
roomes in other quadi'angies with in ; for the chiefe 
cavaliers and knights, with pleasant walkes and gar- 



AUGUST 1675. 48 

dens ; and a stately house for the chiefe doctor and 
other his attendants.^^ 

The Lazaretta (a place on purpose for such as are 
sick of the plague or other pestilent! all diseases; 
which in regard of the heate of that country doth 
often rage there ;) lyes closse under their outermost 
wall, and is extreamly neatly kept and provided for. 

This cytty is compassed almost cleane round with 
the sea, which makes severall safe harbours for hun- 
dreds of shipps. The people are generally extreamly 
courteouse, but especially to the EngUsh. A man 
can not demonstrate all their excellencys and in- 
genuitys. Let it suffice to say thus much of this 

^ The knights of Malta^ whose riches and influence were for 
a long period objects of envy and dread amongst the sovereigns 
of Europe^ appear even at the time of our author's visit to have 
retained many of those characteristics of magnificence which 
early distinguished the Order. The care of the poor and sick, 
having been the original design of their institution^ and the 
basis as it were of their profession, the treasury, according to 
Vertot, maintained an hospital, the annual charge of which 
amounted to 50,000 crowns of gold. Teonge's relation of the 
princely attendance which the sick knights received when in the 
hospital, is corroborated in the account given by Sandys, who, 
writing of Malta, says : — '' Saint John's Hospital doth merit 
regard, not only for the building, but for the entertainment there 
given, for all that fall sick are admitted thereunto. The knights 
themselves there lodge when hurt or diseased, where they have 
physic for the body and the soul also, such as they give ; the at- 
tendants many, the beds overspread with fine canopies, every 
fortnight having a change of linen; served they are by the 
junior knights in silver, and every Friday by the Great Master 
himself, accompanied with the Great Crosses ; a service obliged 
unto from the first institution, and therefore called Knights 
Hospitallers." — Lib. iv. 182. 



AUGUST 1675. 49 

place : viz. Had a man no other buisnes to invite 
him, yet it were sufficiently worth a man's cost and 
paines to make a voyage out of England on purpose 
to see that noble cytty of Malta, and their works and 
fortifications about it. Severall of their knights and 
cavaliers cam on board us, 6 at on time, men of 
sufficient courage and friendly carriage, wishing us 
good successe in our voyage ; with whom I had much 
discourse, I being the only entertainer, because I 
could speake Latine ; for which I was highly es- 
teemed, and much invited on shoare againe. 

This day to shew our strength all our ports are 
opened, and all our gunns thrust out, as though wee 
were going to fite ; and our ship cloathed through out 
with new wast-cloaths, and new sayles. 
3 Our greate gunns are all drawne in againe, and our 
ports corked up, and wee are providing to sayle. 
Many com from shoare to visit us, and almost all our 
men by turnes goe on shoare, every on desyreing to 
see this famous place. 'Tis too long to relate all 
passages. Here wee have excellent wine for 3d. 
a quart; musk-mellons Id. a peice ; cotten stockings 
for 9d. a payre. Notwithstanding the vast strength 
of this place already, yet are they dayly ading new 
works, especially on the out syd of their harbour ; 
where they have made on greate fortification to- 
wards the sea of greate strength, and doe intend to 
bring the wall (wheron are aUredy built a greate 
bight severaU great towers) quit about old Burgo, 
which will be of vast strength. This morning a. 
boate of ladys with their musick to our ship syd, 

E 



AUGUST 1675, 50 

and bottells of wine with them. They went severall 
times about our ship, and sang severall songs very 
sweetly: very rich in habitt, and very courteous in 
behaviour ; but would not com on board, though in- 
vited ; but having taken their frisco, returnd as they 
cam. After them cam in a boate 4 fryars, and cam 
rownd about our ship, puld off their hatts and capps, 
saluted us with congyes, and departed. After them 
cam a boate of musitians : playd severall lessons as 
they rowed gently round about us, and went their 
way. 

4 This morning our Capt. was invited to dine with 
the Grand Master, which hindred our departure. 
In the mean time wee have severall of the Maltees 
com to visit us : all extreamly courteous. And now 
wee are prepareing to sayle for Tripoly. Deus 
vortat bene ! 

5 This morning wee wey our anchor, thinking to 
sayle ; but the wind fayling, wee had almost ran 
a ground, and were forced to drop the anchor againe 
suddenly, and were forced to tow her out ; so that 
about 5 in the afternoone wee crept out. And there 
wee expected the Sattee to com to us out of the 
western harbour, (a vessell which Oaptaine Barbar ^^ 

'^ Captain James Barber was in 1673 appointed to the Bo- 
netta sloop ; in 1675 he was removed into the Tripoli prize (a 
saitee) ; and on the 12th July^ 1677^ hack again into his old ship 
the Bonetta. On the 13th of June^, 1679, he was appointed by 
Vice- Admiral Herbert to command the Assistance ; and on the 
13th June, 1681, again removed to the Bonetta. On the 29th 
July, 1682, he was made Captain of the Ann and Christopher 
guard-ship ; and was re-appointed to the same vessel, after the 



AUGUST 1675. 51 

tooke from the Trypolees, and was sent from our 
fleete to fetch water;) but she being not ready, 
caused us to lye by all that night. 
<3 The Sattee cuming up to us about 1 1 of the clock, 
the Syppio and the Thomas and WiUiam (boath 
bound for Scanderoond) com under our starne, and 
boath salute us ; the first with 3 cheares and 7 gunns, 
whom wee thank with 5 ; the other with 5 gunns wee 
thank Avith 3 ; and so all part. 

Thus wee, th' Assistance and the new Sattee, 
Doe steare our course poyntblanke for Trypoly ; 
Our ship new riggd, weU stord with pigg and ghoose a, 
Henns, ducks and turkeys, and wine cald Syracoosa. 



7 



This morn brings with it a fine small gale, which 
carrys us on very smoathly towards the coasts of 
Trypoly to our flagg ; and now the evening drawing 
on, wee end the weeke as formerly. 
(8) This morning wee com neare the Barbarian coasts, 
and within vew of Trypoly, and see. their shipps 
lying in their harbour, and closse under the waUs of 
theyr castle and cytty. Here wee find only on of 
our Enghsh shipps criising about, viz. the Newcastle, 
a 4th rate frigott ; whom wee salute with 3 cheares, 
and they answer in like manner. They tell us of 
our shipps burning 4 of theii^ briganteenes, and the 
slaughter of many of the Turks on the shoare by 
our gi^eate gunns from our shipps, which happened 

accession of James IL, on the 9th June, 1685. On the 18th 
March 1688-9, he was made Captain of the Tyger, of 46 guns, 
and died on the 3d February, 1691. 

e2 



AUGUST 1675. 52 

a few days before our cuming; and then wee sayle 
alonge to our flagg. The wind is so high that the 
Newcastle's maine top sayle was blone cleare off just 
by us. 
9 About 11 of the clock wee com to our fleete, 
haveing a French sattee with us, which informed of 
severall things ; where wee find the Henrietta, our 
Admirall ; Newcastle, Dragon, Swallow, Dartmouth, 
Mary Rose, Roebuck, and our Assistance making 
them up 8. But the Mary Rose was then on the 
careene. 

10 Haveing sayled toe and froe aU the last day and 
night, this morning wee sayled within muskett shott 
of the walls of Trypoly ; but did not fyre a gunn at 
any. of us. Our Admirall cam after us, and fell off 
towards the west syd of the towne, rakeing all the 
way as shee went ; and our ship went eastward, and 
spent this day in sounding, to know where and how 
far from the shoare the sholdes or sands were. 

11 This day wee com also very neare the towne, 
sayling toe and froe all the day. Also wee are for- 
tifying our longe-boate with baracadowes against 
wee have occasion to use her; and at night wee 
stand off to sea againe. 

12 At the same trade as before, keepeing neare 
Tripoly ; but have no opposition, nor can wee doe 
any hurt to them as yet. A French sattee coms out 
to our AdmiraU to desyre his passe, whoe tells us 
that the Trypolees intend to treate for peace. 

13 At the same trade still; expecting every howre 
our fyre-ships coming with the rest of our men of 



AUGUST 1675. 53 

warr, already longe lookt for. This day dined 
aboard us Capt. Wettwand/^ Capt. Fowler/^ Captaiiie 

^ This gentleman in 1665 was Commander of the Norwich, 
a ship stationed to the northward for the protection of our com- 
merce against the depredations frequently committed by small 
privateers. Early in 1666 he was removed into the Tyger. In 
1668, upon the prospect of a rupture with France^, he was made 
Captain of the Dunkirk, and soon after removed into the Edgar. 
He was appointed in 1672 to" the Warspight, a third-rate, of 64 
guns. In 1673 he commanded the Henry, a second-rate, and ac- 
quitted himself so much to the satisfaction of Prince Rupert, in the 
action of the 28th May, that he appointed Captain Wetwang to 
the Sovereign, (his own ship). On the 10th November following 
he was appointed by Charles II. to command the Newcastle. 
In the month of March he had the good fortune to capture a 
large Dutch East India ship, of very great value. In this vessel 
he continued a long time, and after the conclusion of the second 
Dutch Avar was sent to the Streights, from whence he returned, 
having a fleet of merchant ships under his convoy, in the month 
of February, 1675. On the 7th of January, 1677-8, he was made 
Captain of the Monmouth. A. rupture with France being ex- 
pected during the ensuing spring, he was appointed on the 28th 
of March to command the Royal James, on board of Avhich Sir 
Thomas Allen, Admiral of the Fleet, had hoisted his flag. The 
prospect of war having vanished, the further equipment of the 
fleet was put a stop to, and Capt. Wetwang was not again called 
into service tiU June, 1679, when he was appointed to the com- 
mand of the Northumberland, a new third-rate, just launched 
at Bristol, but in the month of September following, the general 
state of peace rendering her services unnecessary, his ship was 
dismantled and laid up. On the 21st October following, Capt. 
Wetwang was made Captain of the Woolwich, and received the 
honour of knighthood on the 20th of November, 1680. Sir John 
Wetwang appears to have died in the command of the Loyal 
James, while upon the India station, in 1683-4. 

^'^ Thomas Fowler was second lieutenant of the Reserve in 
1670. Upon the death of Admiral Sir Edward Spragge he was 
appointed Commander of the Rupert, of 64 guns. On the 
27th April, 1675, he was made Captain of the Swallow, which 



AUGUST 1675. 54 

Temple ;^^ and were very merry with good meate 
and good wine. 
14 Being calmed before the towne, wee were forced to 
lett goe an anchor, least wee should drive on shoare. 
The Turks were much alarmd because our shipps 
stood all together yesterday in the afternoone, and 
therefore they had severall greate fyres all alonge the 
shoare all night, and many this morning, fearing (as 
wee were informed) that wee had an intent to land 
upon them ; but wee can doe nothing till more help 
Cometh. About 3 of the clock wee com all to an 
anchor within shott of their cannon, and they make 
not on shott at any of us : and wee can count 14 

he commanded until January 1677-8j, when he was appointed to 
the Greenwich^ and on the 13th of April following to the 
Henrietta; but on the 22d September of the same year he 
again removed to the Swallow. He returned to Europe in 
April 1679, with a fleet of merchantmen under his protection; 
and on his voyage homeward had the misfortune to drive on shore 
near Ushant, two English and one French ship having mistaken 
them for Algerines. 

^^ He was the only son of Peter Temple, Esq. of Temple in 
the county of Leicester, a lineal descendant from Leofric Earl of 
Chester. In 1660 he was appointed lieutenant on board the 
House de Switen, and in 1665 was removed to the Constant 
Catherine. In 1671 he was promoted to the command of the 
Drake, and early in the following year removed into the 
Mermaid ; and in the month of August had the good fortune to 
capture a valuable Dutch prize off the Texel. On the 9th of 
August 1673 he was appointed Commander of the Adventure; 
on the 29th March, 1675, was made Captain of the Quakier 
ketch ; and on the 22d of April was promoted to the Dartmouth. 
On the 10th March, 1677-B, he was appointed to the Jersey ; 
and on the 19th June, 1680, to the Sweepstakes. After this 
he had no further preferment until the accession of King James 
II.; and on the 11th June, 1685, he was made Commander 
of the Mary Rose. 



AUGUST 1675. 55 

men of warr in their harbour, besyds sattees and 
gaUys and briganteens. Wee end the day as before, 
with Florence wine. 
(15) Wee ly very quietly at anchor still, and receive 
orders from our Admirall for all our shipps, and 
sigTies, as occasion may serve. I preach a sermon : 
text, Rom. viii. 28 — To them that love God, &c.: 
and many gentlemen of other ships were on board us. 

Orders for Sayling, from our Admirall Sir John Narborougk; "'^ 
Sig?ialls when I would speake with any Commaunder, S^c. 

My Pendant on the 

Mizon peake^, for all the Commanders for a Councell of Warr. 

'^ Sir John Narborough was descended from a family long 
settled in Norfolk. Having early in life betaken himself to the 
sea^, he acquired by his diligence and abilities great celebrity, 
both as a gallant officer and judicious navigator. He received 
his first commission as an officer in the Navy in the beginning of 
1664, when he was appointed lieutenant of the Portland, from 
which he soon after removed into the Royal Oak. In 1665 he 
served as Lieutenant on board the Triumph, the Royal James, 
the Old James, and the Fairfax. In 1665 we find him lieu- 
tenant of the Victory, the flag-ship of Sir Edward Spragge ; and 
in reward of his spirit and gallantry during the long and despe- 
rate action in June 1666, between the Dutch and English fleets 
under Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle, he was pro- 
moted to the command of the Assurance, a fourth-rate. In the 
following year he was removed into the Bonadventure ; and in 
1669 was chosen to command a voyage of discovery to the South 
Seas, which had been long projected. The ships destined for 
this service were, the Sweepstakes, of 36 guns and 80 men, 
commanded by Captain Narborough, and the Batchelor pink, of 
4 guns and 20 men, by Capt. Fleming. The object of the 
voyage was to pass through the Streights of Magellan, and make 
discoveries in the South Seas, which at that time were very im- 
perfectly known to European navigators; and to endeavour, if pos- 
sible, to establish some commercial intercourse with the natives and 



AUGUST 1675. 56 

My Pendant on the 

Main top mast head, for Sir Roger Strickland ^% Commander 
of the Dragon. 

inhabitants of that part of the world. Having received their final 
instructions, the two adventurers sailed on the 26th of September, 
but did not meet with any thing worth relating until their arrival 
at Cape St. Mary, at the entrance of the Streights of Magellan. 
Here a friendly intercourse commenced between the natives and 
the English, who, pursuing their voyage, reached Baldiva with- 
out any sinister accident on the 15th of December following. At 
this place the Spaniards, jealous of the apparent friendship and 
social intercourse of the natives with our strangers, took an op- 
portunity of seizing some of the officers belonging to the two ships^ 
and refused to release them until the Speedwell and her consort 
were brought to an anchor under the guns of their fort. This 
extravagant stipulation was of course not complied with ; and 
Capt. Narborough not having sufficient force to compel the resti- 
tution of his officers, was of necessity obliged to leave them in 
the possession of the Spaniards, and repassing the Streights, ar- 
rived in England in the month of June 1671. At the com- 
mencement of the Dutch war, iii 1672, he was appointed by the 
Duke of York as second Captain on board his ship, the Prince. 
At the battle of Solebay, Sir John Cox the first Captain being 
killed, the command devolved upon Captain Narborough ; and 
the ship having been so much disabled in the action, that the 
Duke was obliged to quit her, and hoist his flag on board the 
St. Michael, Capt. Narborough upon this occasion gave a proof 
of his abilities and activity by refitting his ship, and rendering 
her in a few hours again fit for action. His conduct in this was 
considered so meritorious, that it was made the subject of par- 
ticular notice in the account of the battle published by Govern- 
ment. In the autumn of the same year he was removed into the 
Fairfax, of 60 guns, and sent to the Streights with a convoy, 
having under his orders the Scanderoon frigate ; and in the fol- 
lowing spring arrived in the Downs, with a numerous fleet under 
his protection. He was immediately appointed to the command 
of the St. Michael, and from that to the Henrietta, on board of 
which ship he hoisted his flag as Rear-admiral of the Red, on the 
17th Sept, I673, having in the intermediate time received the 



AUGUST 1675. 57 

My Pendant on the 

Fore top mast head;, for Capt. Wettwand of the Newcastle. 

honour of knighthood. On the 18th Oct. 1674 he was appointed 
Commander in Chief of a squadron sent to the Mediterranean^ for 
the purpose of restraining the piratical depredations of the States 
of Tripoly and Algiers, &c. Upon the successful termination of 
the dispute (in the course of which;, as will be seen from this 
Diary, the talents of Sir John Narborough, both as a warrior and 
a statesman, were in continual exercise^) he returned with his 
fleet to Portsmouth, where he arrived on the 10th of June^, 1679. 
From this period Sir John appears in a great measure to have 
retired from active service; and on the 29th April;, 1680, he was 
made a Commissioner of the Navy. The last intelligence relative 
to his naval life informs us that on the 12th of July, 1687^ he 
hoisted his flag on board the Foresight, as Admiral of a small 
squadron in the C hannel ; and died towards the end of the year 
1688, leaving one son, an infant, who;, on the 15th of November 
in the same year, was created a baronet by King James II. as 
a testimony of his high sense of the merits and services of his 
father. This young man was unfortunately lost with Sir 
Cloudesley Shovel, in the Association, on the 22d Oct. 1707* 

^^ This able oflicer, after serving as lieutenant of the Sapphire 
in 1661, of the Crown in 1662, and of the Providence in 1663, 
was raised in 1665 to the command of the Hamburgh Merchant, 
and soon afterwards removed into the Eainbow, and early in the 
ensuing spring to the Sancta Maria, of 48 guns. He commanded 
this ship during the remainder of the Dutch war, and was present 
at both the great actions which took place in the year 1666. On 
the 2d Sept. 1668, he was appointed Captain of the Success; in 
1669, of the Kent; and in 1671; of the Antelope; and at the 
battle of Solebay, on the 28th May, 1673, he commanded the 
Plymouth, a ship to which he had been just before appointed. 
In this action the Henry, commanded by Captain Digby;, hav- 
ing fallen into the hands of the enemy, after her commander was 
killed, was retaken and brought into port by Capt. Strickland. 
For this meritorious conduct he was rewarded with the command 
of her. Prince Rupert readily accorded him the praise he had 
deserved; and this, with his subsequent conduct in the two 
following actions which took place before the close of the second 



AUGUST 1675. 58 

My Pendant on the 

Mizon top mast head^ for Capt. Stout ^* of the Successe. 

Dutch war^ procured him the honour of knighthood. In 1674 
he was appointed to the command of the Dragon^, and sent on a 
three years' station into the Mediterranean. He returned from 
thence^ with a fleet of merchant ships under his convoy, on the 
18th Oct. 1677; on the 5th of November following was removed 
into the Centurion, and on the 10th of December into the Mary. 
He sailed about the middle of March for the Streights ; and on 
the 1st April, being in company with Capt. Herbert in the 
Rupert, fell in with a very large Algerine corsair, mounting 40, 
but capable of fighting 56 guns. The Rupert engaged her singly 
for a considerable time before the Mary could close ; but a breeze 
springing up, she was enabled to come up to the assistance of 
her consort, and laying the Algerine on board, quickly carried 
her. On the 19th Feb. 1677-8, having still continued in the 
Mediterranean, he was appointed Rear-admiral of the fleet on 
that station, under the chief command of Sir John Narborough. 
On the 14th Jan. 1678-9, by direction of Sir John he removed 
liis flag on board the Bristol ; and returning to Europe soon after- 
wards, was sent to cruize at the entrance of the Channel, to watch 
the motions of the French, with whom a rupture was then ex- 
pected. But it does not appear that on his return to Europe he 
continued to be employed as a flag-officer. On the 23d of March, 
1684-5, he was appointed by King James II. to command 
the Bristol ; and on the 26th August, 1686, was despatched, iu 
company with Capt. Neville in the Crown, and Capt. Ridley 
in the Garland, to Algiers. On the 4th of July, 1687^ he was 
appointed Vice-admiral, under the Duke of Grafton, of the fleet 
sent to convoy the Queen of Portugal to Lisbon; and, on the 30th 
October following, was raised to the dignity of Rear-admiral of 
England. On the 30th of January he was empowered, as a dis- 
, tinguishing mark of his office, to wear the Union flag at the mizen 

top-mast head, with a pendant under it ; and increasing daily in 
the favour of James, was considered as one of the principal sup- 
porters of his power in the department with which he was con- 
nected. He carried his devotion to the cause he conscientiously 
supported so far, as illegally and rashly to attempt to introduce the 
exercise of the Catholic religion on board the fleet. The sailors 



AUGUST 1675. 59 

My Pendant on the 

Mizon top sayle yard arme, for Capt. Fowler of the Swallow. 
Fore yard arme^ for Capt. Houlding of the Assistance. 
Fore top sayle yard arme^, for Capt. Temple of the Dartmouth, 
Maine yard arme^ for Capt. of the Diamond. 

Crojacke yard arme, for Capt. of the Mary Rose. 

Mizon top sayle yard arme, for Capt. Cuntry ^^ of the Roe- 
Buck. 

were with some difficulty restrained by their officers from throwing 
the Rev. Fathers into the sea. Sir Roger had hoisted his flag on 
board the Mary on the 14th of June^, and had held the chief com- 
mand till the 24th of September following^ when^ in consequence 
of his very unpopular conduct^ he was superseded by Lord Dart- 
mouthy and appointed to serve as a Vice-admiral under him. The 
ferment raised in the minds of the seamen had attained a height 
not to be checked by half measures ; so that it was necessary to 
the interest of James himself that the object of their dislike 
should be completely removed. This was accordingly done on the 
13th October following^, and his place supplied by Sir John Berry. 

^^ Captain Robert Stout served as lieutenant of the Resolution, 
and afterwards of the Revenge, in 1665. In the following year 
he was appointed to the Henry, and soon afterwards to the Lyon. 
In 1668 he was promoted to the command of the Roe ketch ; but 
in 1669 he returned again to his former station of lieutenant, 
being appointed second of the St. David, the ship on board which 
Sir John Harman had hoisted his flag as Rear-admiral of the fleet 
on the Mediterranean station. In 1671 he was appointed to the 
command of the Fountain fire-ship ; and, in the following year, of 
the Forrester frigate. In 1673 he was promoted to the Princess, 
and behaved with exemplary spirit in the engagement between 
the English and Dutch fleets, on the 11th of August in that year. 
On the 21st Jan. 1673-4 he was removed into the Warspight ; 
and, on the 15th of June following, into the Success. He does 
not appear to have had any appointment subsequent to this 
period. 

^^ This gentleman in 1661 commanded the Hind ketch ; in 
1662 he was Captain of the Emsworth sloop of war; in 1664 
he removed to the Nonsuch ; in 1667 to the Forrester ; and in 
1688, to the Drake. After this, in 1672, he served as lieutenant 



AUGUST 1675. 60 

My Pendant on the 

Spritt sayle head, for Capt. of the Portchmouth. 

Sprit sayle yard arme^ for Capt. of the Yarmouth. 

On the boome on the quarter, for Capt. Barbar of the 

Sattee. 
Halfe up the ehsigne staff, for Capt. of the Ann'] Boath 

and Chistofer. > fyre- 

On the boome on the same, for Capt. of the Homer. J ships. 
On the ensigne staffe, for Capt. of the Wivenoe. 

"WTien any of these signes are put abroade by his Majesty's 
shipp Henrietta, the Commaunder is desyred to com to mee 
forth ^vith : if he be sick, then to send his lieutenant, or next 
officer. 
If by fowle weather wee seperate and can keepe the sea : before 

Trypoly is the place of meeting againe. 
But in case of any ine^-itable distres befalls any on, that they 
can not keepe this sea, then Malta is appoynted for fitting 
and meeting againe; where orders will be lodged for their 
dyrections. And so God dyrect us! 

Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's shipp 
the Henrietta, at sea before Trypoly, Aug. 12, 1675. 

John Norbkough. 

16 This mom (as wee ly at anchor) 4 slayes ventered 
to swim from the shoare to om' sliipps, to make their 
escapes ; wherof on of them was oyertaken by a 
Trypoly boate, and canyed back to be miserably tor- 
tm-ed. The other 3 cam on board us ; on of them, 
ahnost dead, being taken up by the Admirall's boate : 

of the Portland; and in 1673 was appointed by Charles II. 
(who, after the passing of the Test Act, and consequent retire- 
ment of the Duke of York, had assumed the management of the 
Xa-^T" himself) Captain of the Roebuck, and does not appear to 
have received any subsequent appointment. 



AUGUST 1675. 61 

the other twoe were tooke up by our boate. On of 
them had got a peice of an olde raile, and a goate 
skinn, which he had tyed together at boath ends, 
and blowed it full of wind, and made it fast to the 
olde raile : with that engine they cam safe on board. 
Two of them were Greeks, and the other a French 
man. This evening the wind being high wee wey, 
and stand farther off to sea. 

1 7 The sea is very turbulent, in so much that our ship 

18 had almost fallen foule on one of our companions, 
and many of our men are sea-sick. Wee stand 

19 eastward all day, and back againe in the evening. 
And after the same rate wee are crusing toe and froe 
east from Trypoly till 

20 This evening wee com to our fleete againe, 
nothing haveing beene done all this while ; and wee 
all com to an anchor within shott of the walls, our 
ship lying nearest the walls, within pistoll shott= 

21 This moniing very early our pinnace chased 5 of 
the Trypolees to the mouth of their harbour ; yet 
they did not fyre a gunn. In the evening our ship 
changd her birth, and anchord on the west syd of 
the towne ; and drink to our friends in Florence and 
Syracosa wine. 

(22) This mom by on of the clock our pinnace and 3 
more went a crusing ; and in a froHck Sir John him- 
selfe, with those that were in the boats, went all 
upon the Turks shoare, and there displayd the Eng- 
lish coulors, and cam on board againe. Severall shotts 
were made on boath syds, at a great distance. I 



AUGUST 1675. 62 

preacht a sermon this day : text, Exod. viii. 1 . And 
to distinguish this day from the rest, as also to vex 
the Turks, our ships are all Md with pendents. 

23 Wee are still at anchor, but change our birth now 
and then. The Trypolees are busy in making nue 
fortifications. 2 more slaves swim to us to day. 
And I went on board our Admirall on purpose to 
see my bro. Mr. Franklen ; where Sir John himselfe 
bad mee very welcom, and used mee very civily. 

24 This morn the Sattee returnes to us with som ne- 
cessary s from Malta. This day wee chased a gallee 
of 38 oares many leages : not finding her to be a 
prize, wee only secured the Captaine and the Master 
for farther tryall. 

25 And this morning wee sent them to their vessell 
againe ; but the Tripolees would give her no releife 
at all. I drank Mall Walker's bottell. 

26 We are in our old posture. The Dartmouth and 
Swallow goe for Malta. 

27 Our ship alone is ordered to cruse westward from 
Trypoly. 

28 Towards evening the last night wee discover a 
vessell belonging to the Trypolees thrust betweene 2 

- rocks, and many Moores lying behind the rocks to 
guard her : at which wee made severall great shott ; 
but the evening coming suddenly on, caused us to 
stand off; till, in the morning early, haveing the Roe- 
Buck, a small ship com to us, which could goe much 
nearer the rocks then wee, wee haveing beaten off 
the Turks, send in our pinnace and long boate, and 
pull theire vessell in peices, and carry away as much 



AUGUST 1675. 63 

as wee could to burne for our use. And towards 
evening, wee being bound to cruse westward, drinke 
to our friends in a lemonade. 

A RELATION OF THIS CUMBATE I 

Cotnposed (foi- want of better imployment) before Trypoly, 
Aug.'M, 1675. 

No noble acts of Hector I 

Nor Priamus doe sing ; 
But joyful! newes from Trypoly 

To England I do bring. 

An English frigott trim and tyte, 

Crusing with merry glee^ 
Well furnished with men of might 

An hundred fifty three. 

And five and twenty gunns she had 

Well mounted on each syd ; 
Which, when they once began to roare. 

The Turks could not abide. 

Upon the seven and twenteth day 

Of August seventy five. 
That man was wise that thus could say — 

This day II be alive. 

Our fleete wee leave j alonge wee sayle 

The coasts of Barbary, 
Not far from shoare with pleasant gale 

Westward from Trypoly. 

A prize ! a prize ! our Captaine cryes, 

A prize I surely see ; 
Beyond those rocks a vessell lyes. 

Belongs to Trypolee. 

And now with mee^, my merry harts. 

Your courage forth advance. 
And shew yourselves brave English sparks. 

What ever be our chance. 



AUGUST 1675. 64 



Then in wee make neare to the shoare. 
Our great shott wee lett flye ; 

The thunder of our cannons roare 
Farther then Trypolye. 

The country round the alarm tooke^ 

And suddenly cam in ; 
And numbers great of horse and foote 

Upon the sands were seene : 

Whoe well requite our courtesy, 

And, like splenettick men. 
For every bullet wee let fly 

They freely sent us ten. 

Our English valiantly abide. 

No feares discourage them. 
All though the Turkish rocks doe hide 

Their vessell and their men. 

You merry mincing sea men's wives. 

That sit at home secure, 
Nere thinking of your husbands* lives. 

What they on seas endure; 

Lament, lament with dolefull cheare. 

Whilst so much time is left. 
For many of your husbands deare 

Are of their lives bereft. 

Pinnace and long boat now well mand 

Doe bouldly venter in. 
Twice forceing neare the rocks and sand. 

And twice forct back agen. 

Long lasted this sam cruell fight. 
Which ran with blooddy streames 

Untill the sun, that western light. 
With drew his glorious beames : 

Which gave the Turks that liberty 

To carry off their cargoe ; 
Som say twas full of wheate and rye, 

And potts of rich potargo. 



AUGUST 1675. ^5 

No sooner did the morne break forth 

But wee renew the theame. 
And fall upon the Turks as with 

Gholya's weaver's beame. 

Our greate gunns and our musketteares. 
And our petarreroes humming. 

The bulletts flew about their eares — 
They thought the Devill was coming 

Then soone wee force those craggy rock 
With Turkish blood all drunk ; 

Wheras wee find, with sturdy knocks. 
Their famous vessell sunk. 

Enraged then (with out delay) 

That wee had lost our hopes. 
Wee haule up and wee carry away 
■ The decks, the mast, the ropes. 

The Turks they tooke it in greate snutf. 

And sorely were offended ; 
But wee did carry off their stuff. 

And so the battell ended. 

God blesse King Charles ; the Duke of York ; 

The royall family ; 
From Turks and Jewes that eate no porke 

Good Lord deliver me. 

(29) The last night the sea was very troublesoni;, but 
somthing more cahne this morning ; and wee are on 
the maine ; no land is to be seene. As we sayled, a 
vessell belonging to Trypoly, thinking that wee had 
discovered her, ran her selfe a shoare, and splitt her 
selfe all in peices, as wee were credibly informed. 
30 Now wee are at Trypoly Vicha, as they call it ; 
the place where ould Trypoly did stand formerly, 



36 



^ This city was originally built by the Romans ; it was after- 
wards taken by the Vandals, and destroyed in the 13th century 

F 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 66 

but was destroyd by the Turkes, whose pollicy it is 
to suffer but on greate towne or garrison in a coun- 
try, in which themselves will inhabite. And heare 
about wee are crusing till finding no prize at all ; 
Sept. 3 This morning wee com againe before Trypoly, and 
see our 4 ships (for wee had no more there then) 
makeing up towards us. And Sir John's pinnace go- 
ing very neare the shoare, was shott at by som of the 
Moores. He (discovering where they lay, behind a 
small rise like a wind-mill hill) sent 2 of his men to 
rouse them, and commanded his men in his boate to 
present : and as soone as the 2 English men cam 
neare them, the Turks ran ; but the English fyred 
after them, and killd 3 in the place. 

4 Now our ship is againe where wee had the combate 
a weeke since. 4 Greeks com on board us from the 
Trypoly prize, or sattee. Wee end the day and 
weeke according to our oulde custom. 
(5) Wee are in our station, viz. on the west of Try- 
poly, sayling toe and froe, but can not see on of our 

' fleete. I preacht a sermon ; text, Exod. viii. v. 2. 

6 And this trade wee drive, seeing no ship till 



by the Kalif Omar 11., who determining to extirpate the Christian 
faith from Syria and Palestine, entered Syria with a large army, 
and besieged Tripolis, then in the possession of the Crusaders. 
Having become master of the city on the 9th of April, 1289, he 
put nearly the whole of the inhabitants, with the garrison, to the 
sword, and afterwards razed it to the ground, leaving a strong 
garrison in the castle of Nelesene, for the purpose of preventing 
its being rebuilt. Since this period it has not recovered its im- 
portance, and has long since gone to ruin.— Moore's History of 
the Turks, 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 67 

7 This inorne by 7 a clock wee discover som of our 
fleete agaiiie. 

8 Now about seven of the clock two lusty shipps 
are coming out of the harbour of Trypoly in the 
sight of all our fleete. Every on makes ready to fight 
them ; but immediatly there fell a thick mist be- 
tween them and us, that wee could not see them 
just when they cam out. They had also a fresh gale, 
and wee scarce so much wind as would stur a ship. 
Two of our ships that were crusing eastward did 
almost meete them, and on of them, viz. the Dart^ 
mouth, made som shott at them, but all in vaine, 
for they clearly out sayled us all ; in so much, that 
by 3 of the clock they had ran us all quite out of 
sight. 

9 Wee ly east from the towne, and are in hops som 
of our shipps that com from Malta may meete them. 
They were the prime saykes. 

1 Wee are still in our station ; and have rubbd our 
ship, to sayle better against more of them com out ; 
for wee see more of them preparing. And the reason 
was this (as heard afterwards) : for when Sir John 
went on shoare himselfe, on of his men ran from 
him to the Turks, and told them that wee did ex- 
pect som fyre-shipps to com to us every day ; which 
they were much afrayd of, and that forct them out. 

1 1 Wee expected, but non cam out this last night. 
Wee drink wine, &c, 

(12) The councell of warr yesterday was concirning the 
Successe's going for England, being no longer able 
to abide the sea. And our ship and the Dartmouth 

f2 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 68 

are ordered to follow the 2 Turks which brake out 
from us, and receive provision out of the Successe for 
that purpose ; and were say ling forwards, but were 
commanded back. I preacht a sermon ; Exod. viii. 2. 

13 A hal-gaUy from larbee cam in to us nolens volens, 
pretending to be bound for the Levant, and intended 
only to water at Trypoly ; but our Admirall secures 
her for the present. 

14 The Successe takes leave, and is going for Eng- 
land ; but is presently commanded back ; for wee sup- 
pose the Trypolees are coming out, and their Mara- 
botts make foggs for that purpose. Two of them 
gott out the last night, and are gon. The Dragon 
is com to us from Malta. And the Successe gon for 
England ; the Sattee accompanying her to Malta, 
and to bring us back fresh water. 

15 This morning our Admirall, and our Assistance, 
and the Eoe-Buck (to vew what shipping was yet in 
their harbour) cam very neare " to their new fort. 
They fyred on gunn at the Admirall's ship ; and he 

^ gave them on also, and no more. No hurt of eyther 
syd done. 

1 6 The result of yesterday's consultation was concirn- 
ing the safty of our merchants ; especially consider- 
ing that 4 stout ships that wee knew of were broken 
out of Trypoly. Ther fore our Admirall strips him- 
self to his shirt ; viz, he stays before the towne only 
with 3 shipps more (till the rest of our shiping com 
to him, whose so longe delay hath been extreamly 
prejuditiall to the designe), viz. the Newcastle, 
SwaUow, Roe-buck ; and commands the Dragon, 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 69 

Assistance, Dartmouth to the Arches to persue the 
Turks. There wee are to part ; and they 2 for 
Smerna, and our ship for Scanderoond. Our Cap- 
taine's absence from the small fleete left behinde 
being much lamented ; but non so fitt for such a 
dangerous voyage as he. About 2 in the morning 
wee stand east, and bid adue. At 1 1 wee have a 
great shower of raine : wee had non since wee were 
of the Bay of Biskay till this day. 

This morn wee bid adue to Trypoly, 
Whoe rather like our roome then company. 
But have you seene the gentle turtle-dove. 
How shee laments the absence of her love ? 
Or have you seene the glorious morning sunn 
Tryumphing joyfully his course to runn ? 
So stands our fleete, foure mournfull Heroclites — viz. 
Our Admirall and those his worthy wites. 
But the Assistance;, Dragon, Dartmouth, make 
A squadron stout, and to the Arches take 
Their course with joy (like Rome's Trium-viri), 
Not feareing all the force of Trypoly. 
Our Captaine's presence (like the morning sunn) 
Makes us rejoyce — his absence strikes them dumb. 
Thus Israel's pillar, thus Epyrus* spring 
To us gives light — to them doth darknes bring. 

17 The wind being very small, wee stand north east, 
and make way very slowly. 

18 The like this day too. But wee end the day as 
before, &c. 

(19) No wind. I preacht a sermon ; Exod. viii. 2. A 
small gale now. 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 70 

20-24 Calmed from this day till 24, when wee have a 
gale. 
25 This morning wee com to the ilands of Zante on 
the starbard, and Cefalonee on the larboard syde ; 
the last wherof is exceeding high land : but the 
wind will not let us com in as yet. These ilands 
are boath under the Venetians, and are the next 
land to the Turkes, whoe are but just crosse the 
water, which is but few leages over. These are not 
held by the Venetians from the Turkes by any 
strength, (though at Zante there is a stronge castle,) 
but by a yearly stipend or present payd to the 
Turke. These islands are very famous for cur- 
rens, of which there is greate plenty ; as also of 
oyle-olive, but especially at Zante, where their oyle 
is kept in weUs many fathoms in the rocks, and is in 
them candid as it will be here in a jarr or botteU. 
On the poynt of the hill or highest part of Cefalonee, 
there lay a white cloude all the day longe, and the 
topp of the hill appeared much higher over the 
cloud, which a man that had not scene it would not 
beleive. The sam I saw at Pantalarya, and in 
many other places, the tops of the hills higher then 
the clouds. Before 10 at night wee com to an 
anchor under the castle at Zante ; where newes was 
suddenly brought to us on board, that the 4 Trypo- 
lees whom wee pursued were gon by towards the 
Arches 3 days before. Wee drink to our frinds in 
good rubola. 

(26) The last night's newes causeth our stay here to be 
very short ; all our time is spent in preparing our 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 71 

cask for fresh-water, and for beverage -wine. No 
time for prayers to day. 5 Venetians men of warr 
cam in this morning, and told us that they saw the 
4 Trypolees in the Arches. Wee fetch in fresh water 
all night. 
27 AVee wey anchor at 9, and stay a while for our 
barges coming from shoare ; and then wee leave 
Zante somwhat unwillingly. 

The harbour of Zante (if I may caU it so) lyes 
much like a horse-shooe, encompassed on boath syds 
or hemd in with rockey mountaines, excepting the 
toe of it, where stand on that flatt 10 wind-mills at 
least. On the westerne syd stands the towne, from 
the hill to the water syde ; and part of it as it were 
climbing up the hiU, though it be very steepe. The 
castle stands on the very top of the hill, on the north 
west syd ; haveing a very strong wall about it, of 
greate compasse, and 7 wind mills before it towards 
the towne, som of them haveing 8 sayles. 

The towne is but little ; the howses very low, in 
regard of the earthquakes, which much anoy them, 
and very often. The inhabitants are Greeks for the 
most part : they have severall pretty fashons, but 
especially at their wedding. When a younge wo- 
man is to be marryed there are chosen two men to be 
her leaders to the church, whoe may have beene 
distrusted to be more famihar with her then they 
should have beene ; and these are then to be her 
secretarys, and of cabinet counsell, being such as 
will by no meanes be any way dishonnest ; for tis 
counted the greatest crime in the world to forfett 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 72 

theyr trust, or to be any way dishonest then, what 
ever of famiharity was betweene them before. Here 
are store of currens and pome cytterens, and som 
few lemons and oringes ; excellent strong wines, boath 
white and redd. ^^ 

^^ We find the following account of Zante in the Travels of 
Sandys, published in 1621, which strikingly corroborates the 
brief relation of our author : — 

" The island contains in circumference not more than sixty 
miles, and is on the south and south-east sides rocky and moun- 
tainous, but plain and level in the midst, and unspeakably fruit- 
ful, producing the best oil in the world, and excellent strong 
wines, both white and red, which they call Ribolla : but the chief 
riches thereof consisteth in currans, which draweth hither much 
traffic, especially from England and Holland. They sow little 
■ corn, as employing their ground to better advantage in the growth 
of the before-named fruit : for which neglect they sometimes suf- 
fer, being ready to starve when the weather continueth tem- 
pestuous for any season, and they cannot fetch their provision 
which they have of flesh and corn from Morea, being ten leagues 
distant. They have salt-pits of their own, and plenty of fresh 
water ; but little or no wood now, though celebrated for the 
abundance thereof formerly. 

^' The inhabitants are in general Grecians ; in habit imitating 
. the Italians, but transcending them in their revenges, and far 
less civil, making infinitely more conscience to keep a fast than 
commit a murther. 

" It is a custom among them to invite certain men unto their 
marriages, whom they call compeers. Every one of these do be- 
stow a ring, which the priest doth put upon the bride and bride- 
groom's fingers, interchangeably shifting them, and so he doth the 
garlands of their heads. Of these they are never jealous (an abuse 
in that kind being reputed as detestable a crime as if committed 
by a natural brother) ; so that they lightly choose those for their 
compeers that have been formerly suspected too familiar. The 
bridegroom entering the church, sticks his dagger into the door, — 
a ceremony held available against enchantments; for here it is a 
common practice to bewitch them, so that they are rendered im- 
potent with their wives until the charm be burnt or in this way 
destroyed." 



SEPTEMBE*R 1675. 73 

A Relation qfsmn Passages happening when wee were at Zante ; 
where wee tryd which wine was the best ; viz. of that which 
wee had at Malta, or that which wee found then at Zante. 
Composed September 28. 

I. Two greate commanders at this place fell out^, 

A Malta-gallant and a Graecian stout ; 

True Trojanes boath, equall for birth and valour. 

Small differance in habit or in colour ; 

Ambitious only which should have the honor 
To fight the Turks under the English bannor. 

II. Brave Syracoosa, Malta's warrlike knight, 
Displayes his bloody flag much like a wite 
Of peareles courage, (drawing forth his forces. 
Whose colours all were red, boath foot and horses.) 
Thus Hector once, that noble sonn of Priam, 
Dar'd out the Graecian ladds, only to try'um. 

III. Rubella, bould as ere was Alexander, 

At this place was the merry Greeks' commander ; 
Like a stout champion and a man of might 
Setts up his standard, which was red and white. 
Thus Ajax with Ulisses had a fray 
Which should Achilles' armour bare away. 

IV. Whilst these two combitants with large pretenses 
Doe praise, and boast, and brag their excellences. 
Our English squadron, being much in wroth, 
Vow'd by St. George to be reveng'd on boath. 

Thus Jove enrag'd, with thunder bolts controld 
The dareing gyants, 'cause they were so bold. 

V. Th' Assistance, Dragon, Dartmouth, all consent 

As firm as by an act of Parliament ; 

And quickly too, because they were no starters. 

Surprised Syracoosa in his quarters : 

Whilst suddenly our gentry on the shoare 
Spar'd not to turne Rubella ore and ore. 

VI. But two to on is odds, and so wee found. 
For many of our men were run a ground : 
Som would have stole away, but could not stand ; 
Som'were a board, and could not gett to land ; 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 74 

Som lost their feeling, and (twas straing to see't) 
They went as well uppon their hedds as feet. 

VII. Som would have fought, but lifting up their hands 
Scarce to their heads, fell backwards on the sands : 
On lost his hearing ; another could not see 
Which was his friend, or which his enemy : 
And haveing lost those sences which they had, 
They'whoopt and hoUowd as they had beene mad. 

VIII. Som by their friends were carryd to their hammocks. 
And bed-rid lay, with pains in syds and stomacks ; 
With fyery faces, and with akeing braine. 
Their hands all durt, their pulses beate amaine ; 

Which when the doctor did but touch, would spew 

Good Syracoosa and Rubola too. 

IX. Som talke, and swear, like men in frantick fitts. 

Whose vaine discource did much put-run their witts j 
Som were stroke dumb, not able to afford 
Their minds or meanings by a signe or word ; 

Som, loath to speake, made signes, whose silent speeches 
Shewd the diseas was sunk into their breeches : 

X. Som so outragious, that the corporall 

Was forc't to cloyster them in bilbows-hall ; 
Som ceas'd to th' main-mast, do their backs expose 
To th' nine-tayld catt, or cherriliccum's bloes ; 
Som ready to be duc't, som left a shoare. 
And many mischeifs I could tell you more. 

XI. The straingnes of their weapons, and their number, 

Causd us to loose the day, the feild, the plunder : 

The English us'd to iight with swords and gunnsj 

But here they met with barrells, butts and tunns. 

Boast now no more : you see what odds will doe?; 

Hector himselfe would never fight with two. ^® 

H. T. 

^^ This parallel between the wines Rubella and Syracusa is 
sufficiently ingenious; and though the humour is somewhat gross, 
the description of the effects of drukenness is too natural not to 
be recognized as a faithful representation, which time has not 
changed. 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 75 

28 This morning on of our men, viz. Skinner, a 
knowne coockould, for goeing on shoare without leave 
had his leggs tyd together, his hands tyd to a greate 
rope, and stood on the syd of the ship to be hoysted 
up to the yard arme, and from thence to dropp 
downe in to the water 3 times : ^^ but he lookeing so 
very pittifully, and also by the gentlmen's intreatys 
to the Captain e for him, who alleaged that he had 
injuiys enough already, as haveing a wife a whore 
and a schold to injure him at home, ergo had the 
more need to be pittyed abroade, was spared. 

Now wee are on the coasts of Sancta Maura or 
Maurea, so much commended by Sir Phillip Sydny 
for its fruitfiiUnes and plesant merrynes of the in- 
habitants, and were thence called merry Greeks. 
Tis pene insula, almost an iland, made by the Gulfe 
Lapantho, which runing betweene the Albanian 
shoare and Sta. Maura, doth divide it, and make an 
iland of it ; only tis Hnked by a neck of land 5 miles. 
This Gulfe of Lepantho was the place into the which 
the remainder of the Turkish fleete was once forced 
by the Venetians ; whoe, knowing that they had them 
in a pinfold out of which they could by no meanes 
returne, layd som vessells in the mouth of the Gulfe 
to keepe them in, and then pursued som other scat- 
tered gaily s. And when the Venetians cam up the- 
Lepantho the next day to cease on their pray, they 
found neyther man nor gaily, for that night the 
Turks had drawne their gallis over that neck of land, 

'' See Note 11, page 19. 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 76 

and what they could not draw over they sunke in 
the place; and so secured all, by being now in the 
Arches, whither the Venetians could not com sud- 
denly, being 70 leages off at least. This Maura was 
the habitation of the merry Greeks, but now the 
Turkes have it ; and it lys the next to the Christian 
shoare, viz. Zante and Cephalonee. 

Greece is bounden on the west with the Adriattick 
sea ; on the east by the Thracean sea ; on the south 
by the maine Mediterranean ; on the north by Hun- 
garia. And Grecia containeth Peloponesus, Achaia, 
Macedonia, Epyrus, and lUericum Peloponesus, now 
called Maura, or rather Morea, which is Sir Phillip 
Sydny's Arcadia. 

In the south parte of this country stpod Sparta 
and Lacidemon ; and Sparta and Athens were called 
the two edges of Greece, and were very often at 
warrs on with the other. Here stood the cytty of 
Corinth, called the key of Greece. At the end of 
Morea begineth Achaya, spreading north but to the 
hill Othris, but east and west much longer. These 
are the people which Virgill calls Achivi : and here 
stood Beotia and Athens, looking southward towards 
Maurea. In this part of Greece stood Pernassus, and 
Helicon ; Phocis, Thebes, and all that Livi calls Urbes 
AchcEorum. 

Epyrus lys west of Achaia, and lys narrow alonge 
the sea coasts, looking southwards on the ilands 
Conegra and Cephalonia. Here lived Olympas, the 
mother of Alexander the Greate. This was the king- 
dome of Pyrrus, and of Scanderbeg the greate 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 77 

enemy of the Turkes, wlio tormented the Turkes 
more with a hand full of men, then others did with 
10 times his number. 

Macedonia, the greatest part of Greece, Ijs east of 
it, and looking towards Asia Minor. This was the 
country so famous for PhiUip and Alexander his sonn, 
whoe conquered the whole world. Here stood the 
hill Athos, and Olympus, the citty of Philippi, Am- 
polonia, Amphipoles, Edessa, Pella, Thessalonica, 
Berea, and the whole country of Thessalia. From 
Grecia cam the first learning to the Romans : hence 
cam Homer, Hesiodus, Sophocles, Socrates, Plato, 
Aristotel; and the greate orators Demosthenes, 
Aeschines ; and all the mathematicks, excepting what 
cam from the Caldees and Egyptians. 

Thracia standeth on the north east part of Grecia : 
and here very neare the edge of the sea coast, very 
neare unto Asya, stands Byzantium, now Constanti- 
nople, because new built by Constantine the Greate. 
This was formerly the residence of the Emparour of 
Greece, but now it selfe and all Greece is in the do- 
minion of the Turkes. 
29 But to returne to wheise I left. This day wee are 
stiU on the coasts of Morea, and almost at the poynt 
which leads into the Arches, and have a fresh gale. 
After 3 in the afternoone, over against Matapatan, 
wee part with the Dragon and Dartmouth, whoe are 
bound for Smyrna ; and our ship alone sayles un- 
dauntedly for Scanderoond, though wee doe abso- 
lutely conclude that about Candia wee shall meete 
with the 4 Trypoleenes. Wee salute them with 7 



SEPTEMBER 1675. 78 

gunns ; they answer with as many ; and wee stand 
south east and by south. Progressum Dens bene for- 
tunet! 
30 A brave gale all night, which brought us this morn- 
ing neare Candia, to a small iland called Goza, and 
another a little more eastward, called Anti-Goza. 
More myrth at dinner this day then ever since wee 
cam on board. The wind blew very hard, and wee 
had to dinner a rump of Zante beife, a little salted 
and well rosted. When it was brought in to the 
cabin and set on the table, (that is, on the floore, for 
it could not stand on the table for the ship's tossing,) 
our Captaine sent for the Master, Mr. Fogg, and Mr. 
Davis, to dine with him selfe and my selfe, and the 
Leiuetenant, and the Pursor. And wee all sat closse 
round about the beife, som securing themselves 
from slurring by setting their feete against the table, 
which was fast tyd downe. The Leiuetenant set his 
feete against the bedd, and the Captaine set his back 
against a chayre which stood by the syd of the ship. 
. Severall tumbles wee had, wee and our plates, and 
our knives slurrd oft together. Our liquor was white 
rubola, admirable good. Wee had also a couple of 
fatt pullets ; and whilst wee were eating of them, a 
sea cam, and forced into the cabin through the chinks 
of a port hole, which by lookeing behind me I just 
discovered when the water was coming under mee. 
I soone got up, and no whitt wett ; but all the rest 
were well washed, and got up as fast as the could, 
and laughed on at the other. Wee dranke the King's 
and Duke's healths, and all our wives particularly; 



SEPTEMBEU 1675. 79 

and cam out at 2 a clock, and were com as far as 
Sugar-lofe hill in Candia. Severall seas com over 
om* ship, and cause much myrth to see the water 
flee as high as the main-mast, and to wash as many 
as was under it. The western part of Candia is very 
high ground, and the eastern part low ; but the 
highest ground of aU is neare the middle of the iland, 
where tis as if you should — imponere Pelion Ossce; 
viz. on very high Sugar-lofe turret^ on the top of a 
longe and exceeding high mountaine, and therfore 
called Sugar-loafe hill ; which was full north from us 
at 4 a clock. 

A SONNET, 

Composed October the first, over against the East part of Candia, 

O ! Ginnee was a bony lasse. 

Which maks the world to woonder 

How ever it should com to passe 
That wee did part a sunder. 

The driven snow, the rose so rare. 

The glorious sunn above thee. 
Can not vdth my Ginnee compare, 

Shee was so woonderous lovely. 

Her- merry lookes, her forhead high. 

Her hayre like golden- wyer. 
Her hand and foote, her lipe or eye. 

Would set a saint on fyre. 

And for to give Ginnee her due, 

Thers no ill part about her ; 
The turtle-dove 's not halfe so true : 

Then whoe can live without her ? 

King Solomon, where ere he lay. 

Did nere imbrace a kinder : 
O ! why should Ginnee gang a way^ 

And I be left behind her ? 



OCTOBER 1675. 80 

Then will I search each place and roome 

From London to Virginny, 
From Dover-peere to Scanderoone, 

But I will finde my Ginny. 

But Ginny 's turned back I feare^ 

When that I did not mind her ; 
Then back to England will I steare^ 

To see where I can find her. 

And haveing Ginnee once againe. 

If sheel doe her indeavour. 
The world shall never make us twaine — 

Weel live and dye together. 

H. T. 

Oct. 1 Wee are past Candia, but yet part of it is in our 

sight. Now wee put up our studding sayles, to make 

the more hast to Cyprus. 

2 A fine gale still, but no sight or newes of the Try- 

polees. Wee doe this evening remember our friends 

in England in good rubola. 

(3) This morning wee discover 2 sayles a head of us. 

Wee vew them at a distance, and observe how they 

stand. They seemed not at all to make away from 

us ; which maks us absolutly beleive they were 

Turks ; which causeth us to prepare for a fight. 

Every man in the ship seemed to be very joyfull of 

an incounter, and accordingly wee make every thing 

ready. Our mayne yard and fore yard slung with 

chaines ; quarter deck armed ; every thing ready. 

They sturd not at all, but lay ready to receive us. 

Our Captaine commaunds to put out our ancient, jack, 

and pendent : — says he, We'el shew them what wee are : 

They did not so much as edge from us, but were in 

the sam mind to fight and as ready as were our selves. 



OCTOBER 1675. 81 

They then seemed to open a little on from the other, 
as though they would fight us on on the on syd, and 
the other on the other syd of us. Wee with our 
trumpetts sounding and hayling them, steard our 
course dyrectly betweene them. Just at that instant 
wee discover them to be Maltees by their white 
crosse, and they know us to be English by our red 
crosse ; and being now com closse together, the first 
salutes us with 3 gunns, bulletts and all, and imme- 
diatly putts off his boate and coms on Jx)ard us ; 
whom wee also answer with 3 gunns. The other 
salutes us with 7, and wee returne 7 againe. Som of 
them com on board of us, and our Captaine maks 
them very welcom ; and because wee were made so 
welcom at Malta, wee spare them sum barrells of 
powder, which they wanted very much ; and so wee 
part, and keepe on our course. This day I hanselled 
my new cassake, but had no time for prayers. 

4 This morning (haveing had a prosperous gale all 
night) wee are in sight of that famous iland of Cy- 
prus, once in the possession of the English; and a 
very plentifull iland, stored with good things. 

5 At 2 of the clock wee com to an anchor in 20 
fathom water, in the bay of Salyne, or Salamis, as 
Acts xiii. 5 ; where wee found on French shyp, and 
4 sloops lying closse under their fortification. 

This is the very place where the Turks landed 
when they tooke Nicossia, and afterwards the whole 
iland. And this iland of Cyprus lyes in the farther- 
most part of the Mediterranean ; and hath on the 
east Soria, to which som authors say it was formerly 

G 



OCTOBER 1675. 82 

joyned in terra Jir ma ; on the west Pamfilia ; on the 
south Egypt ; and on the north Carramania, called 
of olde Cyhcia. Tis 700 miles in compas, in length 
280 miles, and in the broadest part not above 70 
miles ovei*. Tis of a very good ayre, though som 
contradict it ; and produces almost all things belong- 
ing to humane life (as says Paulo Paruta) in greate 
abundance ; yea, though the 5th part of their ground 
be not tilled, and the on halfe of that too lys fallow 
every other yeare. 

Besyds corne in abundance, this iland yeelds store 
of excellent good wine boath white and red, sugar, 
cottons, saffron, capers ; salt pitts in abundance, and 
mines of the most precious mettalls. Here is found a 
silke-stone/^ (as they call it), much like to black-lead 
in shew, and is as heavy : scrape it, and you would 
thinke the scrapings of it were pure silke ; and if you 

''" The Abbe Mariti, in his Travels through Cyprus^ Syria^ 
and Palestine, speaking of the village of Amianthus, in the island 
of Cyprus, which he describes as being a considerable town in the 
time of the Romans, says, the neighbouring country produced the 
stone asbestos, used for making a kind of incombustible cloth, in 
which the bodies of the European Emperors were burned ; and 
in a subsequent part of his narrative he states that there is a 
quarry of the stone Amianthus, or asbestos, near the village of 
Paleandros, which people are forbidden, under the penalty of a 
severe punishment, to carry away, and the place is surrounded 
with guards to enforce obedience to the restriction. " Incom- 
bustible cloth, it is said, has been made of it ; and fire, instead of 
changing, increases its whiteness. This fact, founded on the re- 
lation of Pliny and Dioscorides, is, in the opinion of the moderns, 
one of those errors so common in the philosophy of the ancients. 
The Greeks call this stone caristia, and some others, the cotton 
stone" 



ocTOBEii 1675. 83 

put the scrapings of it into the flame of a candle, it 
will looke as red as the snufF it selfe of the candle ; 
but pull it out of the flame againe, and it returns to 
its 9wne colour againe, and is no whitt altered by the 
fyre. This I saw severall times. Here is also that 
rare thing called terr^a sigillata, got (with a greate 
deale of seremony) by opening on peculiar place in 
the earth, where it doth com up in on night's time, 
like that which dew-wormes throe up, and but on 
particular night in the whole yeare. Of this they 
take such a quantity as will last them on whole yeare, 
and then with as much seremony close up the earth 
againe. Of this the Grand Seniour is presented first 
with a greate share, and after that, som others of the 
greate ons ; and after, som for other country s.*^ 

** Teonge must have been misinformed with respect to this 
earth as being a production of the island of Cyprus. Stalimene^, 
anciently LemnoS;, one other of the islands of the Archipelago^ is 
the place from whence it is procured; and in a short account of 
the island in Crutwell, we have the following description of the 
mode of taking it^ &c. which agrees with Teonge in every thing 
but its locality. 

" Stalimene has always been famed for a certain kind of earth 
or bole^ which is called from the place terra Lemnia, and from 
the seals or particular marks stamped upon it^, bears likewise the 
appellation of terra sigillata. It was dug up formerly with 
many religious ceremonies^ in all probability first introduced by 
the Venetians^ and consisting in this: viz. that the principal 
Turkish and Christian inhabitants of the island meet on the 6th 
of August, and on that day only, at a chapel called Sotira, half 
way between the village of Cochino and the mountain where the 
earth is found, and from thence proceed in procession to the top 
of the mountain, where Greek priests read the Liturgy : after 
which certain persons appointed for that purpose begin to dig, 
and as soon as they discover a vein of the desired earth, give no- 

g2 



OCTOBER 1675. 84 

So that, by reason of its plenty of pretious things, 
twas formerly called Macharia, Blessed.*^ Here is 

tice of it to the priests, who iiil small hair-bags with it, and de- 
liver these to the Turkish governor and other officers present. 
When they have taken up as much as they think proper, they 
fill up the place again, -and return back in procession as before. 
Some of the bags are sent to the Grand Signior, and the rest 
marked with his seal or with the words Tin Imachton. i. e. *^ the 
Sealed Earth,' and sold by the Sangiac or his deputies to the 
inhabitants and foreign merchants. The Sangiac must give an 
account to the Grand Signior's treasury of the money annually 
produced from it ; and the inhabitants are capitally punished if 
they keep this earth in their houses, or export, or in any wise 
trade in it, without his knowledge and permission." It is used 
for medicinal purposes, and was in high repute in the East. 

This is evidently the commodity alluded to by Teonge as 
being procured at Cyprus ; but as the various authors who have 
written fully of that island and its productions are totally silent 
upon the subject, it may be reasonably concluded that he had 
mistaken the name of the island producing this earth. 

Both Pocock and Mariti are minute in their account of the 
productions of Cyprus, — the latter particularly so, — and neither 
of them mention the terra sigillata. 

Pocock, in his account of Lemnos, speaks of the terra Lemnia 
or holy earth, which he compares to a sort of pipe-clay : he 
states that there are two sorts, rvhite and red, the latter being in 
most esteem. It is mentioned also by Walpole in his Tom- 
through the Archipelago, and by Busching in his Geography^ 
vol. ii. p. 148: — the latter states that " it is looked upon as an 
excellent medicine against poison, the bite of a serpent, and the 
dysentery." Crutwell's description seems to have been taken from 
Busching, whom it follows very closely. 

^^ The Abbe Mariti says, " This island was formerly one of 
the richest and most fertile in the world, abounding with mines of 
gold, silver, copper, iron, marcasite, rock allum, and even eme- 
ralds ; but of these costly productions nothing now remains ex- 
cept the remembrance and the names of the places from whence 
they were procured. The present government fetters curiosity 
in this respect, and forbids every kind of research. No arts are 



OCTOBER 1675. 85 

plenty of locust*^ and wild hony, which the inhabit- 
ants will carry about in a wooden platter, or tray, 
and profer you a peice on a knife as you vvalke the 
streets, not asking any thing for it : it looks almost 
like rozen, but doe but touch it and it melts. The 
poetts faine Venus to have beene borne here, and to 
delight to live here as in her nest ; therfore the Cy- 
prians built her a temple at Paphos, in honour of 
their goddesse. 

Tis credibly reported as a tradition among the 
Greekes that dwell on that iland, and much la- 
mented too, that of their silke stone (which I spake 
of before) the Cyprians did make an excellent 
sort of silke, which is not againe to be found in the 

now cultivated but such as are absolutely necessary^ or such as 
are incompatible with calm reflection and delicacy of sentiment. 
The w^ants of the inhabitants support also a few manufactories, 
the produce of which is scarcely adequate to the consumption. 
Every thing here has been subjected to the yoke of despotism ; 
every beauty has disappeared^ and a profound darkness broods 
over this region, once irradiated with the day-beams of civiliza- 
tion, and adorned with the most costly productions of art." 

^^ The island is in fact greatly infested by these destructive 
insects, which fly over it in swarms, destroying every trace of 
vegetation wherever they happen to settle. The inhabitants fre- 
quently go in search of their eggs, which they destroy in vast 
quantities. 

Shaw, in his Travels through Barbary and the Levant, gives a 
very particular account of these insects, of which he saw several 
species from two to three inches in length. He also states that 
they are commonly eaten by the Arabs ; and that when sprinkled 
with salt and fried, they are not unlike to our fresh- water cray- 
fish. — Clark also, in noticing the locust, informs us that the 
Turks have not yet learned to eat that insect ; but that by the 
Arab it is boiled or roasted, and eaten with salt. 



OCTOBER 1675. 86 

world, and did weave it there. But now that art i^ 

quite lost : for there was a time when that iland was 

so pestered with small venamous creaturs, much like 

our efts or neauts, that with the anoyance and their 

stinging of the people, as also by a sore disease, 

caused as it was thought by the noysom smell of 

those creatures, which breed innumerably, for want 

of the raine which had used to fall there, but then 

did not for a longe time together, that whole iland 

was depopulated, and lay so 30 yeares together, till 

a way was invented to kill those venamous creatures, 

which they did by abundance of catts, which were 

turned loose and becam wild, and bred very much, 

and fedd uppon those creatures. At that time the 

arte of raakeing silke of their silke-stone was lost, and 

never yet recovered.^* There is at this time excellent 

peices of silke of severall sorts woven there, as also 

the finest diaper, indeed of all sorts, for they have an 

excellent arte in the makeinge of those commodity s. 

"** The cultivation of silk is still an important branch of the 
commerce of Cyprus^ although the manufacture of it has been 
long since lost under the oppressive and destructive policy of the 
Turks. It is all prepared in the month of May, which is the 
time when it is procured from the cods of the silk-worm. The 
method of breeding the worms here is almost the same as that 
employed in Italy ; but it is not subject in Cyprus to those in- 
conveniences which arise from the variation of the atmosphere, 
the season at that period being always beautiful and favourable. 
The quality of the silk depends on the place where it is collect- 
ed ; the finest and whitest is that procured in the environs of 
Famagosta and Carpassia. The orange and sulphur-coloured is 
made in Cythera, or the villages beyond the northern mountains ; 
and that of a gold yellow colour is produced in the territories of 



OCTOBER 1675. 87 

This iland was the seate of 9 kings formerly, and 
had in it 30 cittys, of which there still remaine many 
worthy memorables of their pristin grandetsa's, boath 
maretine and inland. In the yeare 1122 it was re- 
covered from the Sarazens by the Christians, and 
jo}Tied to the kingdom of Jherusalem ; till Richard 
the Fii'st, king of England, sould the seniority of it 
to the Knights Templars ; and by them twas sould to 
Guydo Lusignano, who was driven from Jherusalem 
to this iland, and was the first Latine Lord there, 
whose sonn succeeded him, and by permission from 
the Pope made it a kingdome ; where 1 2 kings 
reigned successive in peace (excepting only Fama- 
gosta, possessed by the Genoveses). At last it was 
given by the undoubt heyresse of it, Katharina Cor- 
naro,^" to the Commonwealth of Venice, whoe held it 

Paphos and the neighbouring country. That principally esteemed 
in Europe is the white^ with which a little of the orange and 
sulphur-coloured is sometimes mixed^ but in very small quantities, 
when it is exported to England^ Holland^ or France. Venice 
and Leghorn receive both without distinction; and though the 
white silk has the preference there^ as well as every where else, 
the merchants of those places are not so difficult to please as 
others. The Turks purchase the greater part of the orange- 
coloured silkj for M'hich they pay a piastre more, and send it to 
Cairo. The produce of the island, one year with another, is about 
25,000 bags, each bag containing 300 pounds weight. 

^^ Catherine Cornelia, or Cornaro, wife of James the Bastard 
King of Cyprus, and adopted daughter of Venice, upon the 
death of her husband (who bequeathed her to the protection of 
the Senate, the island being in a state of revolt) fled to \^enice 
in 1473, where she was honourably received, and in the Senate 
house, before the tribunal of the Duke Barbericus, laid down her 
crown and sceptre, and resigned her kingdom. The Venetians 
immediately sent a sufficient force to suppress the tumults and 



OCTOBER 1675. 88 

till the yeare 1 572, at which time it was most bar- 
barously taken from them by Selino, the sonn of So- 



liman the great Tm4ce. 



46 



take possession of the island^ which remained in their hands 
until about the middle of the year 1570, when Mustapha Bey, a 
most vindictive persecutor of the Christians, was despatched by 
Soliman II. with AH Bassa and 20,000 men, besides a numerous 
fleet;, to wrest it from them. 

^^ The following account of the conq^uest of Cyprus, abridged 
from Moore's History of the Turks^ may not be deemed wholly 
Uninteresting. 

In the beginning of May 1570, the Turks effected a landing 
almost without opposition at Salinse, about thirty miles from Nico- 
tia, the capital of the island. This city stood in a fine champagne 
country, and was about five miles in circumference, magnificently 
built. The Venetians had lately fortified it with new walls and 
thick rampiers, having also eleven bulwarks and three strong 
fortresses ; but at this period it was lamentably deficient in the 
means of resistance, Dandalus, a person totally unskilled in 
military affairs being Governor, and the whole force of the gar- 
rison not amounting to 8000 men. The Turkish army having 
approached the walls, summoned the city, but were refused ad- 
mittance : upon which batteries were raised, and a dreadful 
scene of carnage and destruction commenced. Insufficient as the 
garrison was for the defence of the place, the inhabitants con- 
tinued to hold out until the 9th of September, 1570; when, after 
performing prodigies of valour, the enemy being now in the very 
heart of the city, and scarcely a tenable position remaining un- 
occupied by them, Dandalus the Governor ofifered to surrender 
upon conditions ; but before an answer could be received from 
Mustapha, the gates of the monastery, where with some of the 
principal inhabitants he had fortified himself, were burst open by 
the Turkish soldiers, who put every one to the sword. This was 
the signal for a general slaughter, and scarce any were spared 
,throughout the town. The most dreadful excesses were com- 
mitted, and the whole city was filled with the dead and dying ; 
14,866 persons being slain on that day, including the whole of 
the garrison that had escaped death during the siege. 



OCTOBER 1675. 89 

To coin to our voyage againe. As soone as wee 
cam to Saline Bay, our Leiuetenant and Pursor went 
to the shoare to by som beverage wine and som other 
things which wee wanted. The things were all made 
ready, but not suffered to com off till wee had payd 
anchorage ; which our Captaine denyd, and our goods 

Leaving a strong garrison in Nicotia^ JNIustapha now marched 
to besiege Famagusta^ sending before him^, for terror's sake, the 
head of Dandalus in a basket. This city stands at the east end 
of the island, between two promontories, and was about two miles 
in circumference. It was strongly fortified, but wanted sufficient 
force to defend it ; the garrison consisting only of 5200 men, 
commanded by Mark Antony Bragadine, a noble Venetian. It 
was not until after a close siege of seventy days, the harbour being 
blocked up, great part of the walls demolished, nearly the whole 
city in ruins, and more than half the garrison slain, that the 
place was surrendered upon articles, by which the inhabitants 
were to enjoy their lives, liberty, and goods, with the free exer- 
cise of the Christian religion; the Governor, Captains, and 
soldiers to depart safely ; and the Turks to conduct them to Crete, 
with victual and shipping. These conditions being put in writing 
and confirmed by the oath of the victorious Bassa, the Governor, 
attended by some distinguished officers and soldiers, came into 
the Turkish camp to deliver the keys of the city according to the 
articles. Upon entering the pavilion of the Bassa they were re- 
quired to deliver up their arms, which they complied with ; and 
being admitted to his presence, he at first entertained them 
courteously, extolling their valour : at length, after a long dis- 
course, he complained that some of his men, taken at the siege, 
had been against all reason and order slain ; which the Governor 
vehemently denying, he started up as in a rage, urging the fact, 
and, commanding the whole party to be bound, had them in- 
stantly led forth to death in sight of the army. This in- 
famous command was executed, they having been previously 
subjected to the most inhuman tortures. Of the meaner sort of 
inhabitants, some were slain, some chained to the galleys, and 
the rest carried into bondage. Of the 300 soldiers who accom- 
panied the Governor to the Turkish camp, but one escaped. 



OCTOBER J675. 90 

were kept on shoare. This evening was very much 
thunder and lightening, and abundance of raine ; and 
non had fallen there of 7 monts before. After the 
raine there cam a sweete smell from shoare, as of 
new cut herbs or hay, which did prove very ominous, 
for som of our men fell sick that very night ; and 
that weeke wee had 100 at least downe at once, but 
not on dyed. 

6 Wee thought our things would have bene sent off 
this morning ; but being denyd, wee are under sayle 
at 4 for Scanderoond. 

7 A strong north east wind cleane contrary to our 
course. 

8 And so it continues, for by it wee are driven 
neare Egipt, and on the coasts of the land of Canaan, 
which at first sight wee tooke to be Sorya. Now 
wee passe by neare Joppa, and in sight of Mount Le- 

9 banon. And now wee are neare the Bay of Antioch, 
but wee can not see the cytty because the Bay is so 
deepe. Above halfe of our men are fallen desperatly 
sick, but non dye. 

(10) A contrary wind againe drives us back. Here 
begins the mountaine Taurus, that runns from hence 
to the East Indys, and is divid^ed but twice all that 
longe way. Now wee are closse under Cape Porcus, or 
Hogg-hill: where I preacht a sermon; Exod. viii. 3. 
As wee passed by Joppa, wee saw the Mount Carmel 
with ease. 

1 1 We have at the last passed by Cape Porcos, and 
are got into the great bay, the bottom or farther- 

12 most part of the Mediterranean ; but that wind that 



OCTOBER 1675. 91 

is, is against us. Here, by reason of the reflexion 

13 from the hills, wee are so hott that (we) can hardly 
endure our cloaths on our backs ; yet the topps of 
som of the hills are covered with snow. 

14 And here wee ly becalmed all this while, and very 
hott ; and now wee tow in our ship, for wee can gett 
her in no other way. And at 4 in the afternoone 
wee com to an anchor in Scanderoond Roade;^^ where 
wee find 3 ships at anchor. The Syppio, whoe saluts 
us with 5 gunns, wee returne 3 ; she thanks us with 
on more. The William and Thomas gave us 3 gunns ; 
wee answered with on. The 3d was a Venetian, and 
gave us 7 gunns ; and wee returned 5. Then went 
our Leiuetenant and Pursor on shoare, to see what 
provision or liquor was to be gott. The Consull, 
Mr. Low, cam on board to welcom us, and brought 
foules and herbs to us. At his going off wee gave 
him 5 gunns, and our trumpetts sounding — Mayds, 
where are your harts, &c. 

1 5 Wee are busy in mending our ship ; and in the 

*'' Scanderoon is situated at the extremity of the Mediterr 
ranean, and is the port of Aleppo, from whence it is distant 28 
or 30 leagues. It is, properly speaking, nothing more than a 
village without walls, in which the tombs are more numerous 
than the houses; and entirely owes the duration of its existence 
to the fine road which it commands, being the only one in all 
Syria where vessels can anchor on a solid bottom without chafing 
their cables. It is, however, infested during winter by a peculiar 
wind, called by the French sailors la Raguier, which rushing 
from the adjacent mountains, frequently obliges ships to drag 
their anchors for several leagues. Scanderoon has always been 
noted as a sickly place, occasioned by the stagnant waters and 
mephitic exhalations from the marshes which lay around it. — 
Morgans Algiers. 



ocTOBEU 1675. 92 

afternoone wee chainge our byrth for our better con- 
veniency som what nearer the shoare. 
1 6 Wee fetch ballace. And so wee doe this day, and 

at night drinke healths to our friends in England. 
(17) A sermon ; Jerem. xvii. 10. 

18 Empty caske carryd on shoare to be mended and 
sweetened. 

19 I went a shoare, and was kindly entertayned by 

20 the Consull, Mr. Lowe, and Mr. Betten. This day 

21 about 100 of our men goe a woodding; but they 
had leave first given them from the Gaw of Scan- 
deroond. 

22 No thing done but goeing too and froe to shoare 
and from shoare. But on Wensday last fell much 
raine, with thunder and lightening ; and wee all saw 
severall spouts, boath drawn up from the sea, and 
also fauU in to the sea again e. But especially wee saw 
on great spout drawne up out of the bay, and carryd 
to land ; and wee saw it breake and fall on the syd 
of a hill, makeing to our sight a very greate smoake. 

' It fell neare the house of a servant to the Caddee, and 
drive it downe, and also carryed it and all in it away, 
with him selfe, his wife, and 2 children. The woman 
was this day found at Asshen Poynt, (not above a 
leage from us,) beaten all in peices. 

23 Wee cleave, and cutt, and saw wood ; and drink 
healths to our wives and friends in England in good 
racckee. This evening was an unhappy chance. Our 
long-boate being fetching water all day, at the even- 
ing as they were coming off fyred a muskett, (as the 
crue say,) only to light a match. Three Turks were 



OCTOBER 1675. 93 

on the shoare, and the buUett cam very neare them 
as they say : but to make the matter 1 times worse^ 
the Turks hast to Scanderoond, and complaine to 
the Gaw (viz. the cheife man, and Governer there) 
that our men had sett upon them, and robbed them 
of mony and cloaths. Herupon the Turks ran to 
our Consull's, and if they had not shutt ther gates 
tis thought they had puld downe the house. This 
caused much trouble, so that wee durst scarce com 
on the shoare till it was appeased. And though all 
the buisnes was a meare invention of the Turks, yet 
it cost our merchants of Aleppo 300 dollars. 
(24) I preacht a sermon against hypochrisy ; Jerem. 
xvii. 10. 

25 I bought a pay re of black shooes an a payre of redd 

26 shppers for on dollar. Our masts are scraped and 
taUowed. And so this day also. 

27 This day about 3 of the clock cam the cheife 
Caddee of this country, and the Gaw of Scanderoond, 
and all their traine, on board us to see our ship. And 
our Captaine haveing notice of it, put her in a posture 
as if wee were going to fight, viz. our trumpetts 
sownding, — pendant, all colours all flying : our gunns 
aU run out of their ports ; garlands lay in all places filld 
with shott, round and dubbleheaded ; tubbs full of 
cartrages, and wadds stood by, and cowles full of 
water, &c. ; and a fyle of musketteers stretched from 
the stand to the greate cabin. At which the Turke 
stood amazed, seeing such gunns and such provision 
of all things, and haveing never seene an English 
man of warr before. At their coming in wee gave 



OCTOBER 1675. 94 

them 5 gunns, and as many at their departure: many 
of them for feare stopt their eares. This day many 
familys of the Arabians cam by us with their flocks, 
there being a greate scarcetity of provision in that 
country. 

A pigion was sent from Scanderoond to Aleppo 
this day, to give notice of a French merchant that 
cam in to day. Tis distant 60 miles. *^ 

*^ The practice of conveying intelligence between distant sta- 
tions by means of tame doveS;, has been long used in the East. 
When, during the Crusades, Acre was besieged by the Christian 
forces, Saladine kept open a correspondence for some time with 
the besieged by means of these winged messengers ; but one of 
them having been accidentally brought to the ground by an ar- 
row before it reached the city, the stratagem was discovered, 
and the communication which was calculated to animate the 
courage of the besieged, by the announcement of speedy succour, 
being thus betrayed to the Christians, such measures were taken 
as compelled the surrender of the place before Saladine could 
arrive to relieve it. 

According to Sandys this custom is of still earlier antiquity; 
for he records that Thomosthones, by a pigeon stained with 
purple, gave notice of his victory at the Olympian Games the 
self same day to his father in ^Egina ; and by similar means the 
Consul Hircus held intelligence with Decimus Brutus, when be- 
sieged in Mutina. — Sandys' Travels, lib. iii. p. 163. 

Dr. Russell, in his Natural History of Aleppo, vol. ii. p. 203, says, 
*' The pigeon in former times was employed by the English fac- 
tory to convey intelligence from Scanderoon to Aleppo, of the 
arrival of the Company's ships in that port. The name of the 
ship, the hour of her arrival, and whatever else could be com- 
prised in a small compass, being written on a slip of paper, was 
secured in such a manner under the pigeon's wing as not to im- 
pede its flight ; and her feet were bathed in vinegar, with a view 
to keep them cool and prevent her being tempted by the sight of 
water to alight, whereby the journey might be prolonged, or the 
billet lost." The practice at the time the Doctor wrote (1753) had 



NOVEMBER 1675. 95 

28 29 30 Wee spend in scraping and tallowing our ship. 
At night drink racckee. 
(31) I preacht a sermon ; Luke xiii. 7. 
Nov. 1 Captaine Mauris and Captaine North *^ com from 
Aleppo to us, and are welcomed on board us with 
9 gunns. 

2 Wee tallow all the decks, masts, and yards. 

3 Wee scrape our quarter deck, mend sayles, and 
fetch butts from shoare. At 5 a clock cam the Greate 
Basshaw from the Grand Senior, and many more 
brave Turks with him to see our ship : we enter- 
taynd him with our trumpetts and 7 gunns, and 7 at 
his going. He goes his syrkett every yeare in the 

been then in disuse many years; but he was informed by an 
English gentleman, in whose time it subsisted, that he had 
kno-vvn the pigeons perform the journey in two hours and a half : 
(the distance between the two places is between 60 and 70 miles^, 
in a straight line.) The messenger-bird had a young brood at 
Aleppo, and was sent down in an uncovered cage to Scanderoon, 
from whence, as soon as set at liberty, she returned with all expe- 
dition to her nest. It was then usual, at the season of the arrival 
of the annual ships, to send pigeons to be ready at the port; but 
if the bird remained absent above a fortnight, she was apt to for- 
get her young, and therefore not safe to be trusted. The Doctor 
was informed that the pigeons, when let fly from Scanderoon, 
instead of bending their course towards the high mountains sur- 
rounding the plain, mounted at once directly up, soaring almost 
perpendicularly till out of sight, as if to surmount at once all 
the obstacles intercepting their view of the place of their des- 
tination." 

"^ The annals of the British navy afford a very scanty notice 
of this gentleman ; of whom the whole we can ascertain is, that 
'^Mn 1665 he served as a lieutenant in the Prudent Mary, a 
hired ship of war; from which he was removed to the Foresight; 
and in the following year was appointed Commander of the Royal 
Charles, a ship of war, also hired from the merchants." 



NOVEMBER 1675. 96 

nature of on of our Judges, to heare greivances, and 
to doe justice, and to enquire into the state of all 
affayres in his syrkett, once a yeare. And so the 
greate Turke sends of these men every yeare 
through out all his teritorys. This Bashaw hath 
500 horse attending on hiin, and goes in greate state, 
and is as it were in the nature of an Enghsh Col- 
loneU, but that he hath also the power of lyfe and 
death at his owne pleasure. 

4 Som raine this morning. At 1 1 a clock the Ve- 
netian ship cam under our starne; saluted us with 
1 1 gunns. Wee returne 5, and departed. 

5 This day dined with us ConsuU Low, Mr, Betten, 
Mr. Barrow, and Capt. Mauris, and Capt. North. 
After grace our Captaine began a health to Charles 
the 2d, King of Greate Brittaine, in good luke-sherry ; 
and in honour of the day fyred 1 3 gunns, the last 
with a shott in her. The Syppio gave 1 1, and the 
Tho. and William 9, makeing Scanderoond to shake 
againe. 

6. Nothing to day, but drinke to our friends in Eng- 
land in racckee at night. 

(7) I preacht a sermon ; Luke xiii. 7 ; Then sayd 
he, &c. 

8 I began to nett my sylke gyrdle. 

9 I was invited to dinnar with our Captaine, and 
our Doctor, our Pursor, Capt. Mauris, and Capt. 
North, to our ConsuUs on shoare ; where wee had a 
princelike dinnar : and every health that wee dranke, 
every man broake the glasse he drank in ; so that 
before night wee had destroyd a whole chest of pure 



NOVEMBER 1075. 97 

Venice glasses ; and when dinner was ended, the 
Consull presented every on of us with a bunch of 
beads, and a handfull of crosse, for which he sent to 
Jherusalem on purpose, ^o as he tolde us afterwards. 

10 The wind blew so hard, that wee lay there on 
shoare all night. 

11 I went to Snt. George his Chappell, of which her- 
after, &c. 

12 13 Nothing done but fitting the ship till 

*° These sort of presents seem to have been of common usage 
in the East. Dr. Clarke relates^ that when at Jerusalem, his 
room was filled with Armenians and Jews, bringing for sale the 
only produce of the Jerusalem manufactories — ^beads and crosses, 
&c. which, as it afforded an easy method of obtaining a .quantity 
of acceptable presents, occupying but little space, for the Christian 
inhabitants of Greek and Catholic countries, as well as for Turks 
and Arabs, he provided himself with a considerable quantity, and 
found them useful in his subsequent journey. " Indeed," he 
continues, '' the vendors of them will take no denial, and it is 
by no means an uncommon occurrence for them to go to the 
neighbouring convents, &c. with such wares, and compel the 
Monks not only to purchase the whole stock, but to pay ready 
money for them." 

The beads are manufactured either from the date stone, or from 
a very hard kind of wood called with them " Mecca fruit." 
When first wrought it appears of the colour of box, and is then 
dyed yellow, black, or red. When made they are taken to the 
church of the Holy Sepulchre, where they receive a sort of 
benediction, after which they are packed up for distribution 
throughout Europe and Asiatic Christendom. To enhance the 
value, the Abbe Mariti teUs us, that they endeavour to make 
the purchasers believe they are formed from the wood of the real 
cross — and there are few monasteries in the Holy Land but have 
their stores crammed with these relics, some of which are pro- 
duced mth great apparent veneration, whenever any European 
traveller appears, who seems likely to pay well for the possession 
of so valuable a commodity." 

H 



NOVEMBER 1675. 98 

(14) Sunday. I preacht a sermon; Exod. viii. 3. This 
day wee heare the ill newes of the 4 Trypolees that 
broake out from us, whoe have taken 2 Venetian 
ships, and 2 English ships, especially on of our Eng- 
lish ships of a greate value. 
15 Wee heare by letters from Alexandria, that the 
Trypolees are com thither, and that they intend to 
com for Scanderoond. 
16 17 Wee expect the Pyratts every howre. The Master 
of a greate carevan that cam from Aleppo, cam on 
board to see our ship. 

1 8 Our men went a wooding againe ; and I went to 
see the Greeke church. 

19 I was desyred to goe on shoare to bury on of 
Captaine North's men, which I did in the Greeks 
church-yard : his name was William Key, of Swans- 
wick,^ in the ile of Purbeck, in the county of Dorsett. 
But I never saw people so amazed as now they are 
all on shoare ; for ther cam a lettar, dated Novemb. 
10, from Cyprus, signifying to all Christians whom 

' it might concirne, &c. that 4 men of warr belonging 
to Trypoly cam in to the Bay of Salyne, and tooke 
thence 2 French merchant ships, and that they in- 
tended for Scanderoond ; so that had not our ship 
beene here, which was all the guard they had, there 
had scarce beene left a Greeke in the towne. 

20 Some coperey woorke done to day ; and a cleare 
ship, chests and hammacks beeing all in the hole ; 
yet wee remember our friends. 

(21) 'Tis as hot here this day as 'tis in England at Mid- 
§ummar. A sermon ; Exod. viii. 4. And dined on 



NOVEMBER 1675. 99 

boord the Syppio, where wee had an excellent din- 
nar, and store of wine and punch. 

22 Two merchants from Aleppo cam on board us, 
who brought mee commendations from Mr. Hunt- 
ington, Chaplen there, with his greate desyre to see 
mee at Aleppo. But time will not give leave. 

23 This morning cam in the Venetian merchant 
againe ; salutes us with 7 gunns, wee answer 5 ; and 
are glad to see his safe returne, for he was in greate 
danger of being taken. 

24 A great deale of raine last night. Now we heare 
for certaine of the Trypolees takeing of the Bristoll 
Merchant, goeing from Smyrna ; which, besyds the 
rich lading, had 14 merchants in her. Also wee 
heard of the Dartmouthe pinnace, goeing on shoare 
for som sand, had like to have lost all her men ; but 
2 only were taken, and are in a gaily at Famagosta, in 
Cyprus, which wee intend to redeeme at our returne. 

There dined with us this day, the Ld. Pagett, ^^ 
Mr. Woods, Mr. Trench, Capt. Mauris, Capt. North, 
and the old Venetian captaine. Wee had a feast for 
a prince, and lyquor accordingly; and now wee 
heare of 6 Trypolees more broake out, and threaten 
to meete us. 

^' It does not appear that this nobleman held any official com- 
mand at this time (1675);, and he might, probably, when the Chap- 
lain met with him, be on his return home from a tour in the Holy 
Land, as he died on the 19th October 1678, at his house in Old 
Palace Yard, in his 68th year. In the early part of the Civil War 
he was employed by the Parliament, but afterwards went over to 
Charles, and raised a regiment of horse for him, with which he 
did good service at Edge Hill fight. 

H 2 

LofC- 



NOVEMBER 1675. 100 

25 This day I went on shoare, and saw a Venetian 
carryed to be buried at the French church ; and the 
Venetian shipp. On fryar led the way, holding up 
as he went a Snt Andrew's crosse, 2 more following 
of him, and 2 more following them, each haveing a 
wax-kandle in his hand ; wherof the last fryar that 
went on the right hand was in a surples, and sayd 
som thing as he went, just before the corps. And so 
they went into the French church, whither I durst 
not goe for feare notice should have been taken. 

26 The Lord Pagett tooke our Captaine on board the 
Syppio, where great joy was she wen, by fyreing of 
gunns, to welcom som Allopeenes. . 

27 Nothing but merry ment, and drinking to our 
friends in England. 

(28) I preacht a sermon, Revel, xxii. 14, and dined on 
board the Tho. and Will. 

29 A very windy morning. In the afternoone 2 pigions 
are sent to Aleppo. They will be there in lesse then 
3 howers. Tis 60 miles. 

30 So tempestuous, that wee are forced to loare our 
yards on the decks. 

Dec. 1 Nothing but tempestuous weather, and colde frosty 
weather, and raine all this weeke. But wee end the 
weeke as wee used to doe, &c. 
(5) I preacht a sermon : Exod. viii. 4 ; The wicked 
will not feare till he feels. The last night our boate- 
swaine dyed very suddenly, and this afternoone I 
buryed him in the Greeks church yard. He was 
nobly buryed, and like a souldyer. He had a neate 
coffin, which was covered over with on of the King's 



DECEMBER 1675. 101 

jacks, and his boarson's sylver whisle and chaine layd 
on the top, (to shew his office,) betweene 2 pistolls 
crost with a hangar drawne. At his going off the 
ship he had 9 gunns, which were fyred at a minut's 
distance. And 8 trumpetts sownding dolefully, 
wherof the 4 in the first ranke began, and the next 
4 answered; so that ther was a continued dolefull 
tone from the ship to the shoare, and from thence to 
the grave. Halfe the ship's company, with their 
musketts in the right posture, going after the corps, 
with all the officers of all the ships that were there. 
I my selfe goeing immediatly before, and the trum- 
petts before me. The whole towne cam forth to 
see us. I buryed him according to our Common 
Prayer booke. Abundance of Greeks were at the 
grave, shewing a great deale of devotion ; but the 
Turks stood from the grave, and observed, but were 
not at all displeased, but (as wee heard after) com- 
mended our way. When he was buryed he had 4 
peales of musket t shott. And as soone as wee were 
out of the church yard the trumpetts sounded merry 
levitts all the way. His nam was Richard Capps, 
of Bedford. 
6 This morning wee wey anchor for sayling, and the 
wind is fayre. All the Alopeenes and Captaines dined 
on board us; were extreamly merry, wishing us 
thousands of good wishes, and drinking our healths 
over and over againe. At 4 in the afternoone they 
all went off : wee gave them 3 cheares, and 1 1 
gunns; every on of them haveing dranke Snt. 
George in a rummar as he went over the ship syd ; 



DECEMBER 1675. ] 02 

SO wee part. Deus fortunet progressum; Amen. 
Our squadron is, the Assistance, Syppio, Tho. and 
William, and the Venetian. 

Scanderoond being a part of Asya Minor, I must 
therfore begin with a small discription of those places 
that belonge to Asya, and ly alonge by the Mediter- 
ranean, before I speake of Scanderoond. 

Asya lys east from Greece, or the European shoares. 
And Asya is parted from Europe by the river Tanais, 
called by the Tartarean s, Don, where it leaveth Asya 
on the east syd, wheron standeth the cytty of Pera, 
or Gallata ; and Europe on the west, where standeth 
Byzantium, now Constantinople ; the sea betweene 
these two being not above on mile over. And this 
river going southward in a narrow passage, dis- 
burdeneth it selfe into the lake called Meotis Palus, 
and so into Pontus Uxinus, or the Dead Sea. And 
on this narrow passage, called Hellespontus, only 2 
miles in breadth, standeth Sestos in Europe, and 
Abidos in Asia. Here Xerxes made his bridge over 
• the sea; and here Leander for the love of Hero 
swam crosse it so often, till at the last he was 
drowned. 

Tartaria is next, and lyeth on the south syd of 
Asia : it was formerly called Scythia, whose bounds 
did extend far into Europe, but the greatest part of 
it lyes in Asya, and is a very large country. 

The Tartareans are men of a greate stature and 
strength, and a warrlike people. They fight on hors- 
back, with bowes and arrows, and a broade short 
sword. They are Gentiles, and doe not acknowledge 



DECEMBER 1675. 103 

Mahomett. And they eate raw horsflesh, after it 
hath hung at their saddle awhil, for their ordinary 
foode. They have greate plenty of horses. 

NatoHa, formerly called Asya Minor, lys next on 
the Mediterranean ; on part wherof is Ionia, where, 
upon the sea coasts, stands the cytty Ephesus, on of 
the 7 churches to which John in his Revelations did 
write ; as also Snt. Paule wrote his Epistle. This 
was on of the most renowned cytty s of all Asia 
Minor, and especially for Diana's Temple that was 
there ; which, for the magnificence of it, was on 
of the woonders of the world, Twas sayd to be 
200 years in building; and it was 7 times sett 
on fyre by lightening; at the last it was set on 
fyre and destroyed by on Herostratus, a base fel- 
low, who did that foule act only to get himselfe 
a name. 

Smyrna is another of the 7 churches or cyttys, 
standing on the Mediterranean shoare ; of which 
Policarpus was sometime Bishop, whoe was also 
once scholler to John the Evangelist. Here is a brave 
English factory of 1 00 men. 

Sardis is the 3d cytty, but it stands with in the 
land in Lydia ; where also stands Phylodelphia, 
Thyatyra, Laodicea, and more north, Pergamus ; 
and more north yet lyes a little country, alonge by 
the Mediterranean, called Eolis, in which stands 
Mysia, in which place did stand Illium and Troy, 
where uppon, or rather closse vmder a great hill, 
which appeared to us very greene through our pro- 
spectives, som heaps like peices of rocks might be 



DECEMBEH 1675. 104 

perceived, which were (as it is related) the ruines of 
Troy towne5 

^^ In Sandys' Travels we have the following account of these 
ruins^ which he^, as well as Teonge, supposed to be those of Troy : — 

" In the plain beyond us (for we dared not straggle farther 
from the shore) we beheld where once stood Ilium, or Troy. 
These reliques do sufficiently declare the greatness of the city^ 
and not a little the excellency : the wall (as Bellonius more 
largely describeth it) consisting of great square stones, hard, 
black and spongy, in divers places yet standing, supported on the 
inside with pillars, about two yards distant from each other, and 
garnished once with many now ruined turrets, consisting of a 
confusion of thrown-down buildings, with ample cisterns for the 
receipt of rain, it being seated on a sandy soil, and altogether des- 
titute of fountains. Foundations are here of a temple, and two 
towers of marble that have better resisted the fury of time ; the 
one on the top of a hill, the other nearer the sea in the valley. 
From the wall of the city another extendeth, supported with 
buttresses, partly standing and partly thrown down, well nigh 
unto Ida, and then turning, is said to reach to the Gulph of 
Satelia, about twenty miles distant. Half a mile off and west 
of these ruins, opposing Tenedos, are the hot- water baths here- 
tofore adorned and neighboured with magnificent buildings ; the 
way thither enclosed as it were with sepulchres of marble, many 
of the like being about the city, both of Greeks and Latins, as ap- 
peareth by the several characters. Two baths there be, the one 
choaked with rubbige, the other yet in use, though under a sim- 
ple coverture ; but now the ruins bear not altogether that form, 
lessened daily by the Turks, who carry ed the pillars and stones 
unto Constantinople to adorn the buildings of the great Bassaes. 
Pieces of ruins lye every where scattered throughout these 
plains." — Sandys, lib. i. pp. 16, 18. 

These ruins, however, would appear from Pocock to have been 
those of New Ilium, a village famous for a temple of Minerva, 
and afterAvards made a city by Alexander, when he came to it 
after his victory at the Granicus, and improved by Lysimachus 
after his death. " Here," says Dr. Pocock, " we found great 
heaps of ruins, many broken pillars and pieces of marble ; and 
proceeding for about three quarters of an hour further, a great 



DECEMBER 1675. 105 

Bithynia lyeth north from hence; where standeth 
the citty Nicea, where the first counsel! was held 
against Arrius the heretick, by Constantine the 
Greate, and therfore called the Nycene Counsell. 
Here stood also Calcedon, and Paflagonia ; and on 
the south of this stood all the country of Galatia, to 
whom Snt. Paule wrote his Epistle. Hither also were 
the Jewes dispersed, to whom Snt. Peter wrote his 

number of hewn stones^ columns^, and entablatures. The Sca- 
mander and Simois are said to meet near this place^, and Old Troy 
is supposed to have been at the Ilian village on the height di- 
rectly over the meeting of these rivers. In this plain most of 
the battles mentioned by Homer were fought." The Doctor tra- 
versed the height between the two rivers ; but says, " I thought 
it would he in vain to search on this height for the ruins of Old 
Troy, where it is supposed to have been, all this part being now 
covered with wood, and the scite of it not known seventeen hun- 
dred years ago." — Pocock's Observations on the East, vol. ii. 
part ii. 106. 

Dr. Clarke seems to have established beyond a doubt the re- 
lative situation of Old Troy and the Ilium mentioned by Pocock, 
which, according to Strabo (Geo. lib. xxiii. 859,) were exactly 
thirty stadia (three English miles and six furlongs) distant from 
each other. Sandys and Teonge were therefore evidently both 
mistaken in supposing they saw the ruins of the Homeric city, 
and Pocock was correct in fixing upon the height as its situation. 
The temple spoken of by Sandys was the celebrated one dedi- 
cated to the Thymbrian Apollo, situated upon the top of a hill 
called Boyan Mezaley, and in the midst of a beautiful grove of 
oaks. Dr. Clarke says, " Here the ruins of a Doric temple of 
white marble lay heaped in the most striking manner, mixed 
with broken stelse, cippi, sarcophagi, cornices and capitals of very 
enormous size, entablatures, and pillars ;" and here he considers 
Old Troy to have stood. The marble towers were those of Ly- 
simachus ; and at the time Dr. Clarke was there, in 1801, the 
Turks were busied in removing the enormous blocks which com- 
posed the ruin, for the purpose of using them in some modern 
erections. 



ECEMBER 1675. 106 

first Epistle ; as also to those in Pontus, Cappadocia, 
and Bythinia: from whence southward lyeth Ly- 
caonia, and Pamphylia, which toucheth the Medi- 
terranean ; and more south, even on the toe (as it 
were) of the bay, or on the upper end of it, standeth 
Cappadocia. 

And now haveing com all alonge by the Mediter- 
ranean, and also compassed the codd, or farthermost 
end of it, wee com to Palestina, whose borders com 
to the cod of the bay ; whose cheife cytty is Tarsus, 
now called Byas, lying by the sea syd, and under 
the mountaine Taurus, or mount Horr, as in Scrip- 
ture ; and is but eighteen small miles from Scan- 
deroond. 

To this cytty of Tarsus, Jonas would have fled, 
when he should have gon to Nynevy, but was swal- 
lowed by the fish ; and also was landed againe by the 
fish about \6 miles from Tarsus, under the moun- 
taine Taurus, and but 2 good miles from Scan- 
deroond ; where to this day the Greekes keepe a 
monument of white bastard marble, built in the 
place where Jonas was landed, called by the name of 
Jonas piUar. 

To this cytty of Tarsus did Solloman send for 
golde and other provisions for the building of the 
Temple. And the mines of the cytty of Ninevy lye 
with in land (as tis credibly sayd) not above 70 miles 
fi:'om Jonas pillar ; so that the fish did him a greate 
kindnes, in bringing Jonas a nearer way from Joppa 
to Ninevy, then he could have gon by land ; for it is 



DECEMBER 1675. 107 

between these two a dyrect line by sea, bnt must 
goe by land far about. 

This part of Asya is called Cylicia. And in this 
very place (which is called the Straits of Cylicia, 
which lys betweene Tarsus and Scanderoond, and is 
the greate roade way betweene Constantinople and 
Jherusalem ; and is a very narrow passage betweene 
the sea and the mountaine Taurus) did Alexander 
the greate in person, with 30,000 men, give Darius 
a greate overthroe, who had at least an hundred 
thousand men. And in memory of this his victory, 
he built a small cytty, and called it Alexandria ; and 
to distinguish it from Alexandria in Egypt, it was 
called Alexandretta, and now Scanderoond. The 
bay is rather an elbow then a half-moone ; and the 
towne stands in the south east corner, which hath 
beene far biger. There remayns also the mines of 
an old brick castle, but it never could be of any con- 
siderable strength. But on of the Gaws of Scan- 
deroond began the platforme of a stronge fortifica- 
tion, and built it 6 or 10 yards high, and the greate 
gate leading into it was built quite over the arch ; 
but the Grand Seniore haveing notice of it, and 
knowing not but that it might prove a nursery of re- 
bellion, (for the Turks are very jealouse people) sen 2 
mutes, which brought away his heade, and so the 
worke lyes as he left it, to this very day. 

The headsman that was sent for this Gaw's head, 
had commaund to bring 4 other Gaws' heads also, 
which order he executed ; but going over the plaines 



DECEMBER 1675. 108 

of Antioch, he had accidentally lost on of them : he 
knowing not what course to take, (knowinge also 
that his owne head must goe for that which he had 
carelessly lost,) did in his jurny lite of a poore 
Arabian, who had a lawdible black beard ; the heads- 
man maks no more a doe, but strangles the man, and 
takes of the skine of his head and face, and stuffs it 
with cotton, (which is their way of beheadding, and 
they doe it so artificially that the very countenance 
and complexion of the man remaineth firme,) and 
brought it amonge the rest, and it passed currant. 
The heads-man himselfe tolde mee this sam story at 
Aleppo.^^ 

^^ We have the concurrent testimony of various travellers to 
shew the ingenuity of the Turks in performing, what, from its 
frequency, may be considered the favourite (though dreadful) 
operation of flaying their A^ctims. Sandys informs us, '' they fre- 
quently strip criminals of their skins with such precision, that 
leaving the navel untouched, the sufferer is kept to linger out 
a long and tedious death in the most excruciating agony." — 
Travels, lib. i. p. 49. 

Dr. Russell, who resided at Aleppo for many years, states, 
that " it is usual among them, when an offender has been of any 
importance, for the whole skin of the head to be taken off and 
stuffed with chaff; which is done in such manner that even some 
resemblance to the living countenance is retained; and it is 
then forwarded to Constantinople, to be laid before the Grand 
Signior." 

In the fate of Bragadine, the Venetian governor of Cyprus, we 
have another instance of their talent in this respect. He was 
flayed alive and his skin stuffed, and after being suspended at the 
yard-arm of the Turkish Admiral's galley for two days, sent to 
Constantinople with the heads of his brave companions, Estor 
Baillion, Lewis Martinengus, and Quirinus, and there presented 
to the Grand Signior, who placed the heads upon the wall of the 



DECEMBER 1675. 109 

Scanderoond lyes in the latitude of 34, or very 
little more. The towne is very inconsiderable. It 
hath in it 3 factoris, which are all the grace of the 
towne : the English factory exceeding that of the 
French, as much as that doth the Venetians. And 
on the 22 d of November last, ther was a thurd story 
added to the English factory, in which it excells all 
the buildings in towne. In the 2d story of the fac- 
tory, on the north syde and lookeing dyrectly to the 
sea, are 2 small windowes, of equall hight. Over 
on of them is cutt in a stone R. C. : on the other is 
cutt on the north syd M. WK., on the other syd 
G. G. H. ; and on a 4 square stone, fixed between boath 
the windows, is cutt 1638, scarce very discemeable. 

There is the Turks church (as they caU it,) a 4 
square ragged stone wall, about 6 yards over, with 
peices of lying on the topp of the wall for overlyars 
(like our hovelles), and earth on the top of som rugged 
boarde which ly on the overlyars. Tis far more like 
a hogsty then a church ; I never saw any place so 
slovenly as that, which went under that name. It 
stands by it selfe on the Mareene, over against the 
Gawe's house, neare the sea, and about a stone's cast, 
or little more, from the English factory. And they 
tell mee that at sun rising, and at noone, at sun- 
Seraglio. (The brother and nephews of Bragadine in 1596 pur- 
chased his skin, and caused it to be buried with great funeral pomp 
in the church of St. Paul and St. John at Venice. — Mariti, v. i. 
p. 137.) 

It is most probable that this method of stuffing the skin was 
adopted in all cases \vhere it was considered requisite to send 
a proof of Turkish vengeance to the Grand Signior. 



DECEMBER 1675. 110 

setting, and at midnite, on in greene calls the Turks 
to their devotion, in a very lamentable tone. They 
admitt non but what are Turkes, not so much as their 
wives. 

The Greeks church is far more large, and kept far 
more handsom, being compassed with a handsum 
church yard. It hath a south and north doore, and 
handsom seats for on single person round about the 
body of the church, much like those in our coUedge 
chappells in England ; but neyther seate nor bench 
in any other part ; the body of the church being des- 
titute of any seate, and also on the top flatt, as the 
' Turks was. 

On the south syd closse to the wall stands a deske, 
and a seate (betweene it and the very wall) for on per- 
son ; and on the desk lyes their service booke in a 
strainge olde Greeke caracter, which I could by no 
meanes reade : and by that lay David's Psalmes^ in 
a very leagible Greeke caracter ; but they had neyther 
Bible, nor Testament. 

In the middle of the church, against a post, hangs 
the picture of Snt. George a horsback, which is in 
all their churches. Betweene that and the partition, 
which seperats the church from the chancell (into 
which wee are not suffered to looke,) hange lamps of 
severall fashons, closse the on to the other, in a row 
the whole breadth of the church ; wherof on is 
allways burning. On the partition itselfe, and on 
the south syd of the south doore that letts into the 
chancell (which, as I perceive, is the cheife doore to 
goe in at, though there is a lesser dore also on the 



DECEMBEH 1675. Ill 

north syd,) is the picture of our Saviour, according 
to the true ancient forme ; and more southwardly the 
picture of Snt. John the beloved dissiple ; and on the 
north syd of that doore, the picture of the Virgine 
Mary : and north, the picture of Snt. Nicholas ; all 
well drawn : and dyrectly over that doore, and on a 
large brasen crosse, is the picture of Snt. Luke ; and 
severall others boath over and about these ; but 
these are the most remarkable. Not that they doe 
any worship to these or any other, but for ornament. 
They have also crucifixes about their necks, and also 
beades in their pocketts, and oft in their hands, but 
doe hate to doe worship or service to or with eyther. 
Theu' Vicar there, whom they call Senior Pater, 
is a very symple olde man, and dwells just against 
the south doore of the church ; and teacheth little 
children to reade, and som few to write ; and is very 
poore in his habite, and wiUing to shew any on the 
church, in hopes of some benevolence, as I tooke it.^'* 

^^ The poverty and meanness of the Greek clergy have always 
been subjects of remark with travellers ; and even up to the 
present time we have abundant reason to believe they have not 
improved either in condition or manners. Capt. Light, who in 
1814 travelled in Egypt^, Nubia^ the Holy Land, and Cyprus, 
states, that in an excursion he made during his stay in the latter 
place to the mountains west of Larnica, a pecuniary return for 
hospitality afforded him, was thankfully accepted by one of their 
bisJiaps, who at his country-seat kept a table d'hote for several 
of the rich inhabitants, at which the Captain one day dined, slept 
at the house, and on the following morning, after paying for his 
accommodation, departed. With regard to the inferior priest- 
hood also, this gentleman gives a very indifferent account, having 
mistaken the principal of the convent of St. Thecla for a peasant, 
notwithstanding he had three or four attendants. '' He was,'' 



DECEMBER 1675. J 12 

Severall English men have beene buryed in this 
church yard, by reason of the unholsomnes of that 
ayer, or their owne extravagancy in distempering 
them selves with those country wines ; where on the 
south syd of the church, about half a yard higher 
then the ground, are 3 white bastard-marble toombs. 

These are the only things remarkable in Scan- 
deroond ; except I should tell you of the multitude 
of jack-calls there about that place, which make a 
great noyse in the evening (much like boys and gyrles 
at course-a-packe, or barly breakes,) and if they find 
a poore beast they will all settle upon him, kill him 
and eate him. And somtimes they will fetch their 
poultry out of the towne. 

There are also an innumerable company of froggs, 
of a greate bignes, which cry almost like ducks. They 
lye in a moorish place neare the towne, which being 
dry in July and August, the froggs follow a little 
fresh-water streame, into the towne ; and for want 
of water dye there, and infect the ayre very much ; 
. so that tis counted at that time of the yeare especially 
a sickly place. 

Here is an art (I meane from the 3 factorys) to 
send a pigion single, and somtimes 2 together, from 
hence to Aleppo upon any sudden occasion of ship- 
says the Captain;, " an old man of about sixty^ perfectly ignorant 
of all except his Missal;, which he had been taught by rote, not 
being able to read it. He was proud of his chapel;, and pointed 
exultingly to the miserable daubs that adorned it. He left 
his pipe to repeat the evening prayers, and having finished 
them, took to it again : — this seemed his only occupation." 



DECEMBER 1675. 113 

ping coming in, or any other buisnes. The pigions 
are bread at Aleppo, and brought downe on horse- 
back in cages ; and when occasion serves, a small 
note made fast to their wing, closse to theyr body 
with a sylke, yet so as not to hurt the wing ; and then 
take them to the topp of the factory, and let him 
goe, and the pigion will fly home, (which any of our 
pigions would also doe,) and the pigion coming home, 
thinking to creepe in to his old habitation, is caught 
as it were in a cofer trapt, and taken, and examined.^^ 
Here is also, about a mile and a halfe south from 
the towne, a place called Snt. George his chappell : 
a ruinous place, and nothing left but a bare wall, of 
about 12 yards in length, and no covering over it, 
and as it were a breach in the wall at the south 
corner of it, where there was a dore. Yet is this 

^^ This practice (as mentioned in a preceding note^, page 94^) 
continued to exist at Aleppo for several years^ but at last^ by the 
common consent of all the Europeans settled there for commer- 
cial purposes, it was altogether suppressed. The occasion was 
this : one of these carrier-birds being killed on its way from Scar- 
deroon to Aleppo, the letter conveyed by it, instead of reachino- 
the person for whom it was intended, fell into the hands of an 
European merchant of a different nation. It contained informa- 
tion of the excessive price to which gall nuts, the most valuable 
article of commerce procured from Aleppo, had risen in Europe. 
The merchant, who had thus obtained the notice, immediately 
bought up all the gall nuts he could find, and by this means ac- 
quired a very considerable gain. The circumstance naturally 
produced a great deal of jealousy and ill will among the Euro- 
peans, and at length, to prevent the chance of a repetition of such 
dishonourable conduct, it was resolved by them, that in future ho 
couriers of the kind should be used. Since that period, therefore 
the practice has been discontinued. 

I 



DECEMBER 1675. 114 

place highly prised by them ; for if any of the 
Greeks be dangerously sick, and can but crawle to 
that place, and taking with him 3 wax candles, sets 
them, or rather sticks them, betweene the ragged 
stones of the wall, in each altar place (as they call 
them) on, lighted ; and saying his prayers there, and 
staying in that place till the candles are burnt out ; 
he returns home cured of what distemper soever. 
Mr. Barrow, clerke to our Consull there, Mr. Low, 
did himselfe credibly affirm to mee, that by this only 
meanes he was recovered 3 sever all times from a 
vyolent fever whilst he Hved at Scanderoond. 

There is an old figg-tree growes at the south east 
corner of this peteete building ; but probably in 
former times there might be a greater bvdlding, for 
there are heaps, which signify the demolishing of 
som greater fabrick. 

But those that com hither for cure, doe always 
leave somthing behind them in token of their faith, 
and thankfuUnes ; and therfore you shall finde 
those 3 altar-places (viz. the 3 corners in the east 
end) not only as black as any chymny with the 
smoak of their wax candles, but also the seames, or 
chaunes, or cracks that are betweene the ragged 
stones in the wall, stuft full of bitts of sylke, or locks 
of hayre, of all manner of colors ; and somtimes bitts 
of fine linnen, stuck there in a bitt of their wax 
candle ; and tis no lesse then sacriledge to take away 
any of these. 

There is also about 2 good myles from Scan- 
deroond a monument of bastard marble, closse to the 



DECEMBEE 1675. 115 

sea syd, as I sayA before, p. 1 06, and is to this day 
honoured by the name of Jonas Pillar ; being the 
place where the fish landed him, after shee had kept 
him 3 days. It was built like an arch, as was the 
custom in those days ; and now there remaine only 
the 2 ends, like the 2 ends of a stone house, saving 
that these are of a greater thicknes. The arch is 
fallen downe, and carry d away (as som say) to help 
to build an olde castle which stands closse by it ; but 
by what is left there now, you may discerne that it 
was an arch.^^ This place, as also Snt. George his 

^^ Pocock^ in liis observations on Syria, and the Holy Land, 
gives the following account of the ruins called Jonas's pillars, which 
are situated at a short distance from the hills, bounding the plain 
of Baias near Scanderoon, the scene of Alexander's victory over 
Darius. " On the hills to the south, in the face of the plain, and 
rather inclining down to the sea, there is a ruin that appears like 
two pillars, which are commonly called Jonas's pillars, on some 
tradition not well grounded, that the whale threw up that Pro- 
phet somewhere about this place. It was with the utmost diffi- 
culty that I got to this ruin, by reason that it is in the middle 
of a thick wood. When I came to it I found it to be the remains 
of a fair triumphal arch of grey polished marble, the top and 
great part of the piers having fallen down : the corners of it were 
adorned with pilasters ; the principal front was to the south, where 
there was a pillar on each side, the pedestals of which only re- 
main. There seems to have been a passage in the eastern pier 
up to the top of it : the inner part is built of a kind of moulder- 
ing gravelly stone, or earth cut out like hewn stone, and appears 
almost Kke unburnt brick; and I should have thought that it was 
a composition, if I had not seen such a stone in this part. In 
order to strengthen the building there is a tier of marble at every 
third or fourth layer, and what remains of the architecture has 
in it so much beauty, that one may judge it was built when that 
art flourished, and might be erected to the honour of Alexander 
by one of the Kings of Syria." 

i2 



DECEMBEU 1675. 116 

chappell, and several! other places of note, would 
have beene repayred by the Greeks longe before now, 
but the Turks will not suffer them to repay re any 
thing that is demolished. 

I shall not trouble my selfe to desyde the con- 
troversy betweene these Greeks, and Mr. George 
Sandis his relation ; who affirms that the place where 
the Jonas Pillar stands, and where he was really 
landed, was above Constantinople, and on the banks 
of the river Tanais. But I never heard of that cytty 
of Nynevy to be that way : and it is credibly re- 
ported by all that country, that the mines of that 
cytty that was so famous formerly, are not above 70 
miles from the place I spake of. It satisfys mee that 
such a place there was. 

There is also (as I have intimated before) at Scan- 
deroond the mines of an old brick castle, and also the 
foundation of another never halfe built ; so that 
neyther of them are of any use or safty. Only tis 
the only port, or roade, to which the greatest part of 
' the eastern commoditys are brought by land thither, 
as to the most convenient place, to be transported 
by shiping to any other place of Europe, or other 
countrys. 

Haveing done with Scanderoond, let us now re- 
turn to our voyage. 
7 This morning wee cam just over against Cape 
Porcos, or Hogg-hill ; not that the possest ran dbwne 
this steepe hill, but as tis sayd, from the similitude 
of it, in that it resembles the shape of a hogg ; but I 
could see no such thing in it. And now the wind 



DECEMBER 1675. 117 

being not fayre, in the afternoone wee are over 

against the bay of Antioch. 
B Betimes in the morning we have passed the east 

corner of Cyprus, and quite out of the sight of Asya 

with a small gale. 
9 The wind being contrary, wee are at least 12 

leagues short of where wee were yesterday. The 

boarson's goods are this day sould at the maine mast, 

at an extreame deare rate : the wind blowes fayre, 

1 Betweene 3 and 4 this morning, the Thomas and 
WiUiam carrying the light, had almost led us all on 
the shoare, on the east end of Cyprus at the corner of 
the bay which leads in to Famagosta ; but the land 
being very high, and they very neare, did discover 
it in time, and fyred 2 guns, which at the first did 
much afFrite us, supposing they had beene on the 
shoare runn a ground, but finding it not so, we aU 
tackt about, and say Id on. Very rainy weather, and 
much thunder. 

1 1 Wee are still against Cyprus with a crosse wind ; 
yet wee comfort ourselves with drinking healths to 
our friends in good rackee. 

(12) Tis a fayre day, but no prayers ; for haveing dis- 
covered a sayle, wee chase her. Wee perceive she is 
a gaily, and the wind fayling us, and shee rowing 
with many oares, getts (clear) of us ; and wee stay for 
our companions a while, and then fall downe to them, 
who were on our lee-bow, being past Cyprus many 
leages. 

1 3 Much raine last night. A fayre gale this evening. 

14 A strong gale ; but carrys us not our dyrect course. 



BECEMBEll 1675. 118 

15 A fayre day and wind to drive us dyrectly to 
Candia. 

16 A faire gale this morning promises us a sight of 
Candia by night. About 4 in the afternoone our 
Captaine calls all hands up ; and called Mr. Na- 
thaniell Berry, and gave him authority to exercise 
the office of boateswaine, and bad all take notice of 
it ; also gave him a cane, and bad him use it with 
discretion. After that he cald Robert Tyndall into 
the greate cabin, and made him master's mate. This 
is a tempestuous night. 

17 RufF and hazy weather this morning, and a 
troublesom night. 

18 Worse and worse. A very greate tempest; wee 
never had the like as yet. The seas com often over 
our quarter decks ; wee are all squandered on from 
the other, and can see (no) ship but our owne, and 
shee extreamly tossed. No thinking of friends. 

(19) Yesterday towards evening the storme did a little 
cease ; but the seas are still very untoward. Wee re- 
ceived but small detryment, but the losse of good 
beife and porke, which stood at the head of the ship 
to be watered; and so it was, for twas all driven 
away, tubbs and all. Now wee are glad to see all 
our companions safe. Our Captaine commanded 
severall gunns to be fyred at severall times the last 
night ; som of which they saw, or heard, and so all 
cam in. Wee had only divine service to day, every 
on haveing buisnes enough to dry his cloaths and 
bedding. Wee had thought to have scene the east 
end of Candia longe before now ; but wee are driven 



DECEMBER 1675 1J9 

at least 40 leagues from that place : where I intend 
to leave you a while, and goe back to Sorya ; and 
returne when our cloths are dry. 

Sorya, or Syria, is over against Cyprus, and lys 
southward from Sylicia ; haveing on the east, Meso- 
potamia ; on the south, Arabia ; on the west, Tyre 
and Sydon ; on the north, the Mediterranean. Here 
dwelt the Aramites : and here is Cape Porcos, spoke 
of before ; at the end of which in a great bay stands 
the cytty Antioch, so famous formerly, being a place 
to which the Apostles cam often ; and is still a place 
of account. 

Joppa standeth in another bay somwhat west- 
ward ; and also in request ; to which many of our 
English merchants doe resort ; and is not above 30 
miles from Jherusalem. 

This is the country of Palestina, and is only the 
south and south west part of Syria; and was the 
place where the children of Israeli dwelt after they 
cam from Egypt, and not many days jurny from 
Egypt, though they made it a 40 yeares voyage. 
All the which time they (haveing first crossed the 
Bay, properly called the Kedd Sea) wandred in the 
desarts of Arabia, as God had fore-ordained, &c. 

This country is of small cercumference to main- 
taine such a multitude of people as then it did. Tis 
not above 200 Itahan miles in length ; but all the 
bounds of the promised land are far more large ; as 
you read, Numbers the 34th. Yet was it so fruit- 
full, flowing with milk and hony, (as saith the 
Scriptures,) that it maintained 30 kings, and all 



DECEMBEU 1675. 120 

their traines, before the Israelites cam thither : and 
then did it maintaine that vast number of the 12 
tribes of Israeli, with out the least fealing of any 
want. 

This land, by God's blessing on it, was thought to 
be the most fruitfuU place in the world; but ex- 
perience shews us that now tis farr short of that fer- 
tility ; as also all the eastarn parts are not neare so 
fruitful! as formerly ; God haveing curst that land 
with the inhabitants in particular : and also because 
the world was then in its spring, or autum of its age, 
but now it is grown e old. 

The river Jordan runs through this country, and 
into the Lake Asphaltydes, which casts up a sly me 
that joynes stones together very strongly. This lake 
is by som also called Mare Mortuum, for by reason of 
the saltnes and thicknes of it nothing can live in it ; 
neyther will it mix with the waters of Jordan, 
though the river run through the very midst of the 
lake. No creature can possibly sink in it, though it 
. were a horse or oxe, and thek leggs were tyd to- 
gether ; nay the very burds that sometimes would fly 
over it, are by the noysom smell of it suffocated and 
fall dead into it. 

The occasion of the unsavorynes of this lake (as is 
supposed) was the destruction of Sodom and Gomorra 
and the cjttys of those plaines with fyre and brim- 
ston ; all that whole country of the plaines still being 
a witnes of that fearfuU judgment, in that it still 
smells so much of brimston^ that in hot weather the 
passengers are almost suffocated thereby. The filth 



DECEMBER 1G75. 121 

or bytumenous svibstance of the which country still 
piirgeth it selfe into this lake, which retaines not only 
its smell, but also its naucious quality .^'^ 

'^ It may be amusing to compare the various particulars given 
by successive travellers of this celebrated lake : but it would be 
difficult to reconcile some of their contradictions. We will com- 
mence with Tacitus^ who in his Hist. (lib. v. c. 6.) gives the fol- 
lowing account of the Lake Asphaltites and the adjoining plain. 
'' This lake is vastly great in circumference, as if it were a sea. 
It is of an ill taste, and is pernicious to the adjoining country by 
its strong smell ; the wind raises no waves there, nor will it main- 
tain either fish or such birds as use the water ; at a certain time 
of the year it casts out bitumen. Not far from this lake are 
those plains which are related to have been of old fertile, and to 
have had many cities full of people, but to have been burnt up 
by a stroke of lightning. It is also said the footsteps of that 
destruction still remain, and that the earth itself appears as 
burnt earth, and has lost its natural fertility." 

Sandys, who travelled in 1610, writing upon the same subject, 
and of the river Jordan which runs into the lake, says, " The river 
running a great way further with many windings as it were to 
delay his ill destiny, gliding through the plains of Jericho not far 
below where that city stood, it is at length devoured by that ac- 
cursed lake Asphaltites, so named of the bitumen which it vo- 
miteth ; called also the Dead Sea, perhaps in that it nourisheth 
no living creature, or for its heavy waters hardly to be moved by 
the winds. The whole country hath from hence its provision of 
salt ; seventy miles it is in length, and sixteen over, once a fruitful 
vaUey, compared for delight unto Paradise and called Pentapolis, 
of her five cities, destroyed with fire from heaven, and converted 
then into this filthy lake and barren desolation that environs it — 
a fearful monument of divine vengeance." — (Lib. iii. p. 110.) 
The Abbe Mariti, who visited the lake in 1760, says : — > 
'^ We are informed that this vast bason, 180 miles in circum- 
ference, was covered formerly with fruit-trees, and abundant 
crops; and that from the bosom of the earth, buried under its 
waters, arose the superb cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adam, Se- 
boim and Segor, all rendered illustrious by the presence of a 



DECEMBEll 1675. 122 

This country is altogether unfruitfull, being all 
over full of stones, which looke just like burnt 
syndars. And on som low shrubbs there grow small 

king." — " Some travellers have asserted that the remains of these 
unfortunate cities may stiU be seen, when the waters are low and 
limpid. Some say, also, that they observed fragments of columns 
together with their chapiters. I could perceive nothing of the 
kind." — " Nothing in this place gave me the least idea of the de- 
solation spoken of in the Bible. The air is pure, and the fields are 
extremely verdant ! !" — " The waters are clear and limpid, but 
bitter and excessively salt ; no kind of fish is produced in them, 
nor do plants of any kind grow in the lake, the bottom of which 
is black, thick and foetid, and the earth in the neighbourhood 
is of the same colour, and as inflammable as coal." — Mariti, 
V. ii. 372. 

In Dr. Pocock's Description of the East between 1733 and 
1740 we read thus : — 

" We found the hills, which are of white stone, higher the 
nearer we approached the Dead Sea. At length we came to the 
steep rocky cliffs that hang over it, and make a most dreadful ap- 
pear a?ice." — " There seem originally to have been slime-pits or 
pits of bitumen in this place, which was anciently the vale of Sid- 
dim ; and Josephus says, (Antiq. Jud. i. c. 9.) that on the over- 
throw of Sodom this vale became the lake Asphaltites. Strabo 
. (xiv. 764,) says, that there was a tradition among the inhabitants 
that there were thirteen cities here, of which Sodom was the 
chief, and that the lake was made by earthquakes, and eruptions 
of fire, and hot sulphurous and bituminous water, and that the 
cities were swallowed up by them; and he seems to speak of it as 
a certain truth that there were subterraneous fires in those parts, 
as might be concluded from the burnt stones, the caverns, ashes 
and pitch distilling from the stones, and also from streams of hot 
water which sent forth a stench that was perceived at a great 
distance, and likewise from the ruins of ancient habitations." 

Dr. Pocock found the water very salt, clear, and of the colour 
of sea-water: upon analysing a bottle of it, it was found to con- 
tain nothing but salt, except a little portion of alum ; when in 
the lake it appeared to have an oily substance in it. He states. 



DECEMBEl^ 1675. 123 

round things, which arc called apples,^^' but no witt 
like them. They are somwhat fayre to looke at, but 
touch them and they moulder all to black ashes, 
like soote boath for lookes and smell. So also says 
Josephus, and Solynus, c. 48, 

that the air has been always thought to he bad, and the Arabs 
and people who go near its banks always bind their handkerchiefs 
before their mouths and draw their breath only through their noS' 
trils, through fear of its pernicious effects. — Pocockj vol. ii. p. i. 
pp. 35. 37. 38. 

Clarke, wlio visited this extraordinary lake in his travels 
through the Holy Land in the year 1801, says, " Every thing 
about it was in the highest degree grand and awful. Its desolate 
though majestic features are well suited to the tales related of it." 

*^ It has been doubted by some travellers, whether the pro- 
duction so called has ever existed, save in the imagination of those 
who have described it. There seems, however, considerable reason 
in the testimony of authors of different ages, for admitting their 
accuracy. Josephus speaks as having himself seen the fruit grow- 
ing near the borders of the lake Asphaltites, the valley of Sodom, 
which he says '' have a colour as if they were fit to be eaten, but 
if you pluck them with your hand, they dissolve into smoke and 
ashes." — Wars of the JewSj b. iv. c. 8. And this account of the 
Jewish historian has been adopted by various writers since his 
time, most of whom have concurred in describing this singular 
production as growing in abundance about the valley. It is true 
that Dr. Pocock says, " As to the fruits of Sodom, fair without and 
full of ashes within, / saw nothing of them ; but from the testimo- 
nies we have, something of the kind has been produced : but I 
imagine they may be pomegranates, which having a tough hard 
rind, and being left on the trees two or three years, the inside may 
be dried to dust, and the outside remain firm." The Abbe Mariti, 
in his descrij^tion of the Dead Sea and adjacent country, says, 
" No person could point out to me in the neighbourhood that 
species of fruit called the apples of Sodom, which being fresh 
and of a beautiful colour in appearance, fell into dust as soon as 
they were touched."— (Vol. ii. p. 372.) But Dr. Clarke would 
seem to set the question at rest, as he states, upon the authority 



DECEMBER 1675. 124 

In this land lived the Israelits, even the 12 Trybes, 
in on kingdom ; untill Rehoboam the sonn of Sollo- 
man divided them. Of which 10 were called Israeli, 
and 2 Judah. 

The 1 for their idolatry were carryed captives 
into Assyria ; and the two remayned in Jherusalem 
and Judea, whoe were properly called Jewes, and re- 
mayned there till the captivity of Babilon, where 
they Hved 70 yeares. 

After they were restored againe ; but lived in 
small repute till our Saviour Christ's time. After 
that (a curse being layd on them for crucifying 
Christ) they were, and stiU are vagobonds on the 
face of the whole earth. 

Their cheife cytty was Jherusalem, where their 
first temple was magnificently built by Solloman, 
and destroyd by Nebucadnezar. At the command 
of the Kang of Persia their 2d temple was built, but 
far inferior to the first ; and destroyd by Tytus, and 
his sonn Vespatian, whoe brought it to a miserable 
desolation by fyre, sword, and famine. 

Herod the Create, an Edomite stranger, built the 
3d, thinking thereby to please the people. And in 
this boath Christ and his Apostles did teach the 
people ; and that land and also the mines of that 
cytty were still possessed by som Christians, till about 

of Hasselquist;, p. 288;, that " the production called the apple 
of Sodonij is the fruit of the '^ Solanum Melongena/' which is 
produced in abundance near the Dead Sea : the inside of this 
fruit when attacked by an insect (Tenthredo) turns to dust^ 
but the skin remains entire, and of a beautiful colour." 



DECEMBER 1675. * 125 

660 and od yeares since, the Sarazens did invade it, 
and tooke it. For the repelling of which Godfry of 
BuUen with severall Christians joyned themselves, 
and woon it from them ; and Godfry and his suc- 
cessors were Kings of it 87 years. Saladine King of 
Egypt got it from the Christians, who was also then 
King of Asia Minor. To expell which, Richard the 
First, King of England, and PhilUp, King of France, 
and the King of Cyprus, went in person to Jheru- 
salem, and woon many things from the infidells ; but 
the event was the Sarazens kept it, and doe so to this 
day ; yet they suffer divers Christians (paying greate 
tribute) to dwell there. Whei'e there are now 3 
religious houses, if not more, where are fryars, 
whose cheife hvelihood is the shewing of our Sa- 
viour's toombe, and other reliques of antiquity, to such 
as com thither, 

Arabia lys south from Palestina, divided into 3 
parts : the south part^ which is very fruitfull, call'd 
Felix ; the part betweene boath called Petrosa ; that 
wherin the Israehts wandred called Deserta, haveing 
in it few if any inhabitants ; few in Arabia Petrosa: 
but the other full of good things, frankinsence, 
balmes, myrhe, spices, pretious stones, &c. 

Mahomet was borne here, and but of mean parent- 
age ; bred up in merchandize ; but he soone left that 
trade, and accompanyed himselfe with theives, by 
which meanes he had got to himselfe a greate number 
of men ; to whom a whole legion of the Roman 
souldyers at on time revolted for want of their pay 
from Heraclitus : so that now he had a great army. 



DECEMBER 1675. 126 

with the which he began to spoyle the count rys ad- 
joy ning, which was in the year 600 or therabonts. 

To maintaine his repute among his souldyers he 
pretended (in fitts of the falling-sicknes, to which he 
was much addicted,) to have conferrence with the 
Holy-Ghost. Then he ordained among them a new 
religion, consisting of Christian doctrines, Jewish 
ceremony s, and som things of his own invention. 

The booke he called the Alcaron ; and estabhsht 
it death for any man to dispute of, or to question 
any thing in it, as coming from above. 

He lived a very lascivious life ; and was buryed 
(as som say) at Mecha, in honour of whom there is 
built a stately temple, to which the Turks and Sara- 
zens from all parts goe every yeare on pilgrimage, (as 
they would have you believe, and many of the poorer 
sort doe believe so themselves,) but the truth is, 
their goeing is for merchandizing ; for at that time of 
the yeare there is a very great mart or fay re kept there, 
for all commodity s that com from the East Indys. 

But Mahomet himselfe, and Omer, and Halay, ly 
all in a little chappell at Medyna, built for that 
same purpose; where, as it is the generall report, are 
3000 lamps constantly burning ; and at the head of 
Mahomett's tombe a pretiouse stone of woonderfuU 
bignes. 

His Sectarys were the seede of Hagar (the hand- 
mayd of Sarah, Abraham's wife,) and Ishmael her 
sonn; and should have been called Hagarens or Ish- 
maelits ; but, because they would not be thought to 
be borne of a bond woman, nor to descend from 



DECEMBER 1675. 127 

on that was thought to be a bastard, they calld 
themselves Sarazens. 

When Christ said to his dissiples, ' I will send the 
Comforter to you,' the Turks say, that there was 
added— ivhich is Mahomet, and that the Christians 
for spite have rased out those words. He promisd 
to rise againe after 800 yeares, but is not com yet. 

By this time our cloaths are well nigh dry; to 
which I returne. 

20 And so wee find it a very fayre day, wherin wee 
dry our sayles and our bedding, (for all was wett,) 
veryfying the proverb. After a storm comes a calme. 

21 A fresh gale all the last night; and wee stand 
north east ; yet wee can see no land. At 3 in the 
afler-noone wee thought wee had made som land, 
and tooke it to be the west end of Candia ; but it 
proved to be only a fogg-bank. 

22 23 Very warme and fayre days, as if twere Midsum- 
mer. But no land. 

24 Very ruffe to day. No land yet. Our decks are 
washt for Chrismas. 

25 Chrismas day wee keepe thus. At 4 in the morn- 
ing our trumpeters ail doe flatt their trumpetts, and 
begin at our Captain's cabin, and thence to all the 
officers' and gentlemen's cabins ; playing a levite at 
each cabine doore, and bidding good morrow, wish- 
ing a merry Chrismas. After they goe to their 
station, viz. on the poope, and sound 3 levitts in 
honour of the morning. At 1 wee goe to prayers 
and sermon ; text, Zacc. ix. 9. Our Captaine had all 
his officers and gentlemen to dinner with him, where 



DECEMBEll 1675. 128 

wee had excellent good fay re : a ribb of beife, plumb- 
puddings, minct pyes, &c. and plenty of good wines 
of severall sorts ; dranke healths to the King, to our 
wives and friends ; and ended the day with much 
civill myrth. 
(26) Summer weather. I preacht a sermon ; text, 
Jobe's sonns feast. 

27 A very small gale, and next to a calme ; but very 
hot weather. 

28 Wee doe see land now, but know not what land 
it is. 

29 The land wee saw yesterday was not Candia, but 
2 small ilands, Syvia and Gozo, lyinge on the east 
end of Candia; and also Rhodes, which we have 
passed by not then knowing it. 

30 By reason of the smallnes of the wind, we make 
very little way. 

31 But the wind freshening a little brought us this 
morning to the east end of Candia, and to Cape 
Solloman. 

This land was formerly called Creta, and som times 
Hecatompolis, because there was in it 100 townes 
and cyttys. Here stood Dedalus his labarinth, which 
was so cunningly composed with doores and pillars, 
that no man could find the way in or oute again ; 
till Theseus, advised by Ariadne, tooke a bottom of 
thred, and tyd on end at the door at which he 
entred, and keeping the bottom in his hand, did by 
that meanes goe in and kill the Mynotaure that was 
kept there, and cam safe out againe. 

Tis now called Candia. It was under the Vene- 



JANUAiiY 1675-6. 129 

tians ; but now under the Turks, whoe tooke the 
greatest part of the Hand, and possessed it ; but could 
not take the cytty of above 20 yeares seige, but 
now they have it all. From hence corns much sugar 
candy. * 

On Wensday wee passed by Rhodes, lying east 
from Candia many leages ; which wee had thought 
wee had passed many days before, but wee find it 
otherwise. And in this iland the Knights-Templars 
aboade after they were driven from Jherusalem 
and out of the Holy Land, whose friendship was 
much desyred by the neighbouring Princes. And 
from hence they were driveii by Solyman the greate 
Turke in the year 1521. After which time they 
had the iland of Malta given them by the Pope, 
where they continue to this day; haveing fortifyd 
their iland so much, that it can hardly ever be taken 
from them ; and are great anoyars of the Turks. 
Jan. 1 The wind being fay re all night, hath brought us 
to the middle of Candia this morning, where abouts 
wee expect to see our adversarys the Trypolees every 
hower. 

A NEW-YEARES GUIFT TO OUR CAPTAINE. 

ACROSTICON. 

W — hen Phoebus did this morning first appeare, 

I — nriching with his beames our hemispheare, 

L — ^aveing the darksum night behind him^ and 

L— ^)nging to be at his meridian ; 

I — magine then the ould-yeare's out of date, 

A — new on unto Jove lett's dedicate— 

M — an should not bee like an ould almanacke. 



JANUARY J 675-6. 130 

H — eavens guide you^ Sir^ that Paules woords may be true, 

O — uld things are doone a way^, all things are newe ; 

U — nto the rich endowments of your mind, 

L — ift up your noble courage : Fortune's kind 

D — yrections bid you forwards ; your Assistance 

I — s beggd by Mars for th' Trypolees resistance. 

N — eare man more fitt bould acts to undertake, 

G — od with his blessings make you fortunate. 

So prayes, H. T. 

(2) I preacht a sermon ; Exod. viii. 5, 6. No wind, 
nor can wee see any land ; but wee are about the 
west end of Candia. 
3 A fayre gale now ; and wee are all buisy in write- 
ing letters, to England, thinking to send them by 
the Venetian merchant, but he being far a lee, bad 
us farewell afarr oft' with 5 gunns ; w^e answerd with 
3. And so all our letters are left behind. 

4 5 The winds unconstant boath these days ; else wee 
had gon to Zante. 
6 Very ruff' weather all the last night, and all this 
day. Wee are now past Zante : had wee beene there 
this day, wee had scene a greate solemnity ; for this 
day being 1 2 Day, the Greeke Bishop of Zante doth 
(as they call it) baptise the sea, with a great deale of 
ceremony ; sprinkling their gallys and fishing-tackle 
with holy-water. But wee had much myrth on board, 
for wee had a greate kake made, in which was put a 
beane for the king, a pease for the queen, a cloave 
for the knave, a forked stick for the coockold, a ragg 
for the slutt. The kake was cutt into severall peices 
in the great cabin, and all putt into a napkin, out of 
which every on took his peice, as out of a lottery, 



JANUARY 1675-6. 131 

then each peice is bioaken to see what was in it, 
which caused much laughter, to see our leiuetenant 
prove the coockold, and more to see us tumble on 
ov^r the other in the cabin, by reason of the ruff 
weather. 

7 At 11 the last night the tillar of our rudder 
brooke just at the head of the rudder, which might 
have proved the losse of us all had wee beene neare 
the shoare ; but wee had sea-room enough, and soone 
put in another, and all is well. 

8 Fayre, and very warme ; far unlike Chrismas 
weather. 

(9) Just when wee were ready to goe to prayers, the 
centry on the mayne topp discovered 6 sayles a head 
of us, which caused us suddenly to prepare for an 
ingagement. At first they boare from us, causing us 
the more to distrust them ; our ship and our two 
merchants with us kept our course ; and being now 
ready to receive them, or chase them (for they still 
boare from us), wee went to dinnej' ; but sate a very 
little while, when of a sudden we saw them all 6 
come in a line dyrectly upon us. Our Captaine spake 
to boath our merchants, and appoynted them, their 
places, viz. the Syppio on the starboard, and the 
Thomas and WilHam on the larboard quarter. All 
things being now ready, and all our gunns being run 
out, and by this time almost ready to meete, our 
colours being out neare an houre before ; our ship 
leaves her merchants a good way a starne, and goes 
bouldly herselfe single upon them all 6 ; which when 
Sir Robt. Strickland in the Dragon saw, says he 

K 2 



JANUARY 1675-6. 132 

These can be no other but the English, they com on 
so bravely. And now being just ready to give fyre, 
wee know the Dragon by her broaken head, and so 
know them to be our friends, viz. the Dragon, Darth- 
mouth, and 4 merchants coming from Smyrna. Our 
fight soone turned to a great deale of myrth, haveing 
mett with our friends, and finding them safe after so 
longe absence. This was betweene Zante and Malta 
much about the midway, and wee sayle merry all 9 

10 to Malta; not fearing all Trypoly had they beene 
together. At 3 a clock I borrowed a bottle of wine 
of Mr. Veiige to welcom my cusen Pickering. 

1 1 This morning wee see the famous iland of Malta ; 
coming under Goza, a small iland adjoyning to 
Malta, wee discover a sayle creeping closse to the 
shoare ; wee hayle her with a shott — she would not 
budge ; wee sent a 2d, and then a 3d, falling very 
neareher; then the leiuetenant cam aboard us and 
payd for the shott : it proved a pittifuU Frenchman. 

12 A little after on a clock wee are at anchor in 
Malta harbour, and have many salutes. But wee 
have no prattick by the reason of the plague which 
is begun heare. 

1 3 This evening cam in the Dartmouth, with severall 
salutes; and in the night a ship of Malta cam in 
from Fraunce. 

1.4 Wee are makeing ready to sayle againe ; but know 
not whither yet. 

1 5 This morning wee warp out of the harbour, with 
6 merchantmen and a doggar, which wee are to con- 
voy towards the Straits mouth. Here also wee took 



JANUARY 1675-6. 133 

in 2 mounths provision, and fresh water. And as 
wee goe out, wee meete 6 gallys of Malta, coming 
in in all their pompe, and they salute us, and wee 
them, and part. And heare at Malta (which was 
very strainge to mee) at this time of the yeare 
wee bought radishes, cabbidges, and excellent colly 
flowers, and large ons for Id. a peice. 
(16) I preacht a sermon; text, Exod. viii. 6 ; and to- 
wards evening wee are betweene SiciUia and Pan- 
talaria. 

17 Now under Sycillia, and the weather could and 
stormy. 

18 Wee discover a boate coming somtimes longe 
ways, somtimes syd ways ; at last perceiveing no on 
in her, wee sent our pinnace, and tooke her up, for 
shee was a drift, and was worth at least 10 pounds. 

19 Very turbulent weather to day, and cold also. 

20 This day promising so fayre, our letters and tokens 
are put on board the London Merchant to goe to 
England by Lygorne ; and others are put on board 
the Syppio, least wee should not have another opor- 
tunity. 

21 This morning departed from us the London Mer- 
chant, and the Owen and David, for Lygorne ; each 
saluting us, and wee them. 

22 This morning being somthing calme gives our olde 
companions Captaine Mauris and Captaine North 
leave to com on board us, to take their leave of our 
Captaine. They dine with us ; and wee drinke aU. 
our wives healths in England in severall sorts of 
wines. At last they drink Snt. George, and goe to 



JANUARY 1675-6. 134 

their shipps. I sent by Captaine Mauris letters, and 
such tokens as I then had, to my friends in England; 
som to London, som to Spernall. 
(23) I preacht a sermon ; Exod. viii. 6. The sun is 
extreamly hott upon us. Wee are in sight of Sar- 
dinia, and much about Calary Bay. At 6 at night 
wee take leave of our 4 merchants, wishing them 
safe to England : each of them saluting us, and wee 
them, intending to leave them at 12 a clock if the 
wind serves. At which time the wind freshning 
wee tack about, and give them all 5 gunns, and 
bad them all addue, wishing them a safe arrival to 
England ; and each of them, to shew their thank- 
fullnes, gave us 5 gunns. 

Our noble Captaine bids addue once more 

To all his convoy : five gunns fyred roare 

And eccho loud from the Sardinian shoare 

Ten thousand farewells to his Commodore : 

Whoe hearing this, with thanks and sighs good stoare. 

Sends back ten thousand, and ten thousand more. 

24' Now wee stand east ; and have a fay re gale for 
Malta. 

25 Summar weather, and our seamen begin to put off 
their coats and stockings. Just as wee are called to 
dinner wee discover 8 sayles afar off: wee make a 
cleare ship, but they would not com neare us. They 
were French and Spaniards. 

26 A very greate grampus playd about our ship aU 
this morning, woondring what greate fish our ship 
was. She could not be lesse then 50 yards in length. 
Our Captaine began to be much afraid of her, but at 



JANUARY 1675-6. 135 

last she went a way, throing up the water out of 
her nose higher then our top mast. 

27 Now wee see Zembre and Cape Bona on the Bar- 
barian shoare. 

28 And now wee have Pantalarya on the starboard, 
and Sycillia on the larboard syd. 

29 Now wee are at the poynt of Goza, which is a 
member of Malta, a place of greate strength. This 
day David Thomas, and Marlin the coock, and our 
master's boy, had their hand stretched out, and with 
their backs to the rayles, and the master's boy with 
his back to the maine mast, all looking on upon the 
other, and in each of their mouths a maudlen-spike, 
viz. an iron pinn clapt closse into their mouths, and 
tyd behind their heads ; and there they stood a whole 
houre, till their mouths were very bloody : an ex- 
cellent cure for swearers. 

(30) By 8 wee are at anchor in the harbour at Malta ; 
where the Ginny and the Martin salute us with 5 
gunns a peice ; wee answer with 3 to each. Here 
wee are tolde of the joyfuU news of Sir John's burn- 
ing of 4 Trypoly men of warr in their owne harbour ; 
and how wee tooke their guard boate first, and killed 
all that were in her, and so went in, and fyred the 
ships, and cam out againe with out any man being 
hurt. No sermon to day, our Captaine not being 
well. The plague is in the cytty, so that wee have 
no prattick. 

This day being the day of our King's marterdome, 
wee shew all the signes of morning as possible wee can, 
viz. our jacks and flaggs only halfe staff high ; and at 



JANUARY 1675-6. 136 

5 a clock in the afternoone our ship fyred 20 gunns ; 
the trumpetts at the close ringing the bells on the 
trumpetts very dolefully, and also the gunns fyreing 
at halfe a minute distance. Then the Uartmouth fyre 
18 gunns at the same distance, and their trumpetts 
also the same ; and our 2 merchants fyred 1 () a peice. 
After all our trumpetts sounded WeU-a-day, the 
Dartmouth did the same, and so wee ended the day 
mornfuUy ; which made the Maltees much woonder, 
till they understood the reason of it. 

31 At 3 a clock in the afternoone all the 7 gallys 
cam out of their byrths, and gave a yolly of small 
shott, and tooke a new byrth just by the stares that 
goe up into the cytty. They intended to goe out in 
the evening, supposing they had scene 3 Argeareens, 
but they were English shipps, viz. Sir John Berry in 
the Bristoll, and 2 merchants with him, whom wee 
all salute at his coming in ; who is also saluted by 
the towne, and the Gallys. 
Feb. 1 Very fayer weather ; and wee send our vessells on 

' shoare to sweeten before they be filled. Here wee 
heare of the Gaulands forcing the Admirall ship of 
Sally on shoare. So that wee are stiU conquerours. 
2 3 Fayre weather. The 7 Maltees gallys com to the 
mouth of their harbour only to shew themselves, and 
then clap upon a wind, and goe to sea againe ; but 
by 12 a clock they com all into their harbour, and 
make a gallant shoe, and returne to their byrths 
againe. 

4 This day dined with us Sir Roger Strickland, Cap- 



FEBRUARY 1675-6. 137 

taine Temple, Captaine Harrice, ^^ and on gentleman 
more. Wee had a gallant baked pudding, an excel- 
lent legg of porke and coUiflowers, an excellent dish 
made of piggs' petti-toes, 2 rosted piggs, on turkey- 
cock, a rosted hogg's head, 3 ducks, a dish of 
Cyprus burds, and pistachoes and dates together, 
and store of good wines. 
5 God blesse those that are at sea ! The weather is 

very bad. 
(6) Bad weather still. No sermon to day ; the Cap- 
taine not well. 

7 I dined on board the Gynny ; and had harty wel- 
com. 

8 Bad weather ; Deo gratias that wee are in a safe 
harbour ! 

9 Our Captaine is busy on shoare in makeing a new 
wharfe. 

10 The Swan cam in hither from Lygorne. 

1 1 Sir John Narborough cam in from Trypoly, and 4 
more ships with him. The noble Maltees salute him 
with 45 gunns ; he answers them with so many that 
I could not count them. And what with our salutes 

*^ He was lieutenant of the Sweepstakes yachts and after- 
wards of the St. George in 1673. In the course of the same 
year he was promoted to the command of the Cutter sloop. In 
1675 he was made lieutenant of the Guernsey, and on the 31st 
of August following. Sir John Narborough, then Commander in 
Chief in the Mediterranean, appointed him Captain of the Ems- 
worth sloop. His next appointment was on the 25th April, 
1688, when he was promoted by James II. to the command of 
the Sampson fire-ship. 



FEBRUARY 1675-6. 138 

and his answers there was nothing but fyre and 
smoake for almost 2 howers. 
12 To day cam in the Henrietta also from Trypoly. 
(13) Wee are all mustared by 7 this morning. I 
preacht a sermon ; Exod. viii. 6. It is a brave sight 
to see all our fleete this day ; 9 frigotts, 2 fyre -ships, 
6 merchants. Jacks and flaggs out, and pendents on 
every yard arme. 
14 I went on board the Admirall to visitt Doctor 
Franklen, who went with mee to the Dartmouth, 
and thence to the Ginny to see Captaine Harman,^*^ 
where wee had good welcom at boath places ; and 
so returnd to our owne shipps. 

^° This gentleman was the son of Admiral Sir John Harmau, 
a brave and able officer. He was appointed second lieutenant of 
the Montague in 1672^, and in the following year was promoted 
to be first lieutenant of the St. George. Early in 1673 he was 
made Commander of the Guernsey, and in the autumn of that 
year removed into the Bristol, in which ship he continued until 
the 17th of March, 1676, when he was again appointed to the 
Guernsey. Being sent to the Streights soon afterwards he fell 
, in, on the 19th of January, 1677^ with the White Horse, a ship 
of war belonging to Algiers. She was the largest at that time be- 
longing to that piratical State, carrying 50 guns and 500 men, 
while the Guernsey had only 26 guns and 110 men. The Alge- 
rine twice attempted to board Captain Harman, and was as often 
repulsed; and at length, after receiving considerable damage, took 
advantage of the wind and sheered off. The loss on board the 
Guernsey was only nine men, including their intrepid Comman- 
der, who received three wounds with musket-balls at different 
periods of the action, and towards the conclusion of it a despe- 
rate contusion from a cannon-shot. He nevertheless continued 
to command, till, senseless with pain and loss of blood, he feU 
speechless on the deck. He did not, however, die till three 
days afterwards. 



FEBRUARY 1675-G. 139 

15 The Grand Master cam to visit our Admiral!, whoe 
gave him 1 1 gunns. 

16 I bought a wigg of Mr. Selby for 3 dollars, aUd 
som S} racosa wine ; and a hatt cost 3 dollars. 

17 18 Very bad weather for wind and raine. 
19 This day cam in the Porchmouth to the joy of us 
all, for wee all gave her over for lost. Shee brought 
with her also a sattee, which she had taken from the 
Turkes. 
(20) I preacht my first sermon on the Lord's Prayer. 

2 1 All our fore top sayles are loose, to sayle ; but the 
wind is so dyrectly contrary, that wee can not get 
out of the harbour. 

22 This day wee saw a greate deale of solemnity at 
the lanching of a new bryganteene of 23 oares, built 
on the shoare very neare the water. They hoysted 
3 flaggs in her yesterday, and this day by 12 they 
had turnd her head neare the water; when as a 
greate multitude of people gathered together, with 
severall of their knights and men of quality, and a 
clowd of fryars, and churchmen. They were at least 
2 howers in their benedictions, in the nature of 
hymns or anthems, and other their ceremonys ; their 
tnimpetts and other musick playing often. At last 
2 friars and an attendant went in to her, and kneeling 
downe prayd halfe an howre, and layd their hands 
on every mast, and other places of the vessell, and 
sprinkled her all over with holy water. Then they 
cam out and hoysted a pendent, to signify shee was a 
man of warr ; and then at once thrust her into the 
water, where shee no sooner was, but they fyred 21 



FEBRUARY 1675-6, 140 

chambers, and rowed to our Admirall and gave 
him a gunn, whoe gave them another. Then she 
went into the cove where all their gallys lye, and was 
welcomed with abundance of gunns. And there are 
4 more just ready to be launched, all for the coasts 
of Trypoly. 

23 At 5 this morning our Admirall fyred a gunn, the 
signall for sayling ; wee all towed out by 10 a clock. 
Wee are now a gallant fleete ; 13 sayle went out to- 
gether, and 2 more follow us this evening. The 
Henrietta wee leave to goe for England, and the 
Dragon on the careene. Never were there so many 
English friggotts together in that harbour before. 

Severall noyses of trumpetts sownd as wee passe, 
and many peales of lowd cannons salute on another, 
causing a multitude of all sorts of people to stand on 
boath syds of the harbour, on the topps of their 
walls, to see our gallant shoe. Wee are all for Try- 
poly, and resolved for mischeife. And if those gal- 
lants of Malta doe so much admyre us, certaynly 
wee shall much terrify the Turkes. 

24 The Portchmouth cam out last night. Wee stand 
for Trypoly ; 14 brave shipps, and stand almost in 
a line. 

25 By 10 this morning, by a pendent on the mizon 
peake, our Admirall calls all the captaines to a con- 
sultation ; for wee had before scene the eastern coasts 
of Trypoly. 

With in an hower each of them was on board 
againe. But the wind rose this afternoone on a sud- 
den, and hindred our designe. 



FEBRUARY 1675-6. 141 

26 The wind high, and the seas very ruff ; wee are 
blowne at the least 30 leages norward, and scarce 3 
shipps together. 

(27) The wind now more mild, and our fleete begins 
to gather together. I preacht a sermon. Wee had 
at dinner a dish of greene beanes and pease, brought 
from Malta. 

28 Wee see Try poly once more, but only 4 of our 
shipps are together ; but all the rest com in by night, 
and lye before Try poly. 

There cam presently a briganteene to our Admirall, 
to treat for peace ; for they are much terrifyd to see 
so many of us there : and our Admirall sends his 
boate on shoare to the towne with instructions. Wee 
can see but on ship lye in their harbour, but many 
more may lye in there undiscovered, under their 
Mandrake, as they call it. 

29 It hath beene very tempestuous all night, and so 
continues. Wee may suppose their Marabotts are at 
woork to drive us from their coasts ; but God is 
above the Devill.^^ This morning I buried on of our 

^' The worthy chaplain seems by no means an exception to the 
credulous and superstitious feeling which frequently cast a shade 
over even the more intelligent minds of the age in which he lived. 
That the belief in the reality of witchcraft itself was not en- 
tirely exploded^ even by the learned^, so late as the end of the 
seventeenth century^, Teonge^, who was certainly an educated/ 
intelligent and liberal-minded man, affords us in more than one 
instance evident proof. This propensity of our author's for 
the marvellous would by no means be weakened by the opinions 
and habits of those amongst whom he was placed, as sailors, 
usually the boldest men alive, are yet frequently the very 
abject slaves of superstitious fear. '' Innumerable," says Scott, 



MARCH 1675-6. 142 

men in the sea : it was the tayler of the gnnn-roome, 
and had beene sick a longe while. 
March 1 The seas are extreamly ruff, and wee are at least 
J 6 leages from Trypoly. Wee dare not com neare 
the shoare till the weather be better. 

2 Wee stand in all for Trypoly againe ; at 12 a clock, 
thanks be to God ! wee see all our fleete safe together, 
but are at least 14 leages from Trypoly. 

3 The old proverb is true — After a storme coms a 
calme. It was so calm all the last night, that many 
of our shipps had like to have ran on shoare. 

4 This morning wee are all closse before Trypoly, 
and I suppose this will be joy full Satterday to them ; 
for boath the King and Queene of Tunis have beene 
at Trypoly ever since wee burnt their shipps ; and 

in his Work on Witchcraft, p. 53, ^' are the tales of wonder among 
such as frequent the seas, about the noises, flashes, shadows, 
echoes, and other visible appearances and noises nightly seen and 
heard upon the water :" and Dr. Pegge says, '^ Our sailors, I am 
told, at this very day (I mean the vulgar sort), have a strange 
opinion of the Devil's power and agency in stirring up winds, and 
that is the reason they so seldom whistle on ship board, esteeming 
that to be a mocking, and consequently an enraging, of the Devil." 
Andrews, in his Anecdotes, says, " Superstition and profane- 
ness, those extremes of human conduct, are too often found 
united in the sailor, and the man who dreads the stormy eflPects 
of drowning a cat, or of whistling a country dance, while he 
leans over the gunwale, will too often wantonly defy his Crea- 
tor by the most daring imprecations, and the most licentious 
behaviour." 

Among a host of others, there is a very singular marine su- 
perstition, noted in Petronius Arbiter, namely, '' that no person 
in a ship must pare his nails or cut his hair, except in a storm :" 
to have a corpse in the vessel is also ominous ; so it is to lose a 
water-bucket or a mop, or to throw a cat overboard. Childreiii 
are deemed lucky to a ship. — Brand's Popular Antiquities. 



MARCH 1675-6. 143 

are to goe to the Greate Tiirke for ayd against those 
that have driven them from thence. They have de- 
syred a convoy from our Admiral!, and will make a 
peace betweene us and Trypoly. His name is Hop- 
siby, and tis related that he hath 700 concubines. 

At on a clock cam a halfe-gally to our Admirall, 
and saluted him with all her gunns ; our Admirall 
thanked him with 11, and then lett fly all his pen- 
dents. At 5 a clock boath the bryganteene and the 
half-gally went ofFe, and our Admirall gave them 1 1 
gunns ; and the halfe gaily gave all shee had ; but 
still our AdmiraU did out doe them in civihty. The 
Bristow gave them 9, and the Portchmouth 9, as 
they went by them. 

With in the harbour the King of Tunnis his ship 
saluted them with 8 gunns, and the shoare saluted 
them with 10, as I counted them ; but the peace is 
not yet fully concluded. 
(5) No prayers to day by reason of buisnes. The 
peace, as it is sayd, is concluded ; the King of Tunnis 
being the only agent in it. The Trypolees are to 
give us 80,000 peices of eight, and to release all the 
slaves that belonge to the crowne of England, and to 
release 4 merchants of Lygorne, and a knight of 
Malta ; yet these must pay a certaine summ of monys : 
and this did bite sore, for betweene the Maltees 
and the Turks this is their absolute law, that whoso- 
ever of them is taken in actuall armes is never to be 
ransumed. 

Tis the most honourable peace that ever yet was 
made wdth the Turks. They were very loath to pay 
any monys, but were so affrited at our bold attempt 



MARCH 1675-6- 144 

in burninge their ships, and also as much to see our 
fyre-shipps there, that they were forced to graunte 
what our Admirall would have, 

Soone after 12 the King of Trypoly sent off the 
knight of Malta, and the gentlemen of Lygome and 
severall others ; and when the gaily went from 
shoare, the towne began, and fyred aU their gunns 
round about the towne. After they had done, our 
Admirall began and fyred 21 gunns, and every ship 
in the fleet fyred accordingly ; so that for 2 howers 
there was nothing but smoake and fyre, and 
trumpetts sownding and cannons rooreing. It was 
a very joy full day to Try poly. 

6 This day nothing but presents from shoare, and 
salutes from our shipps. There cam to our ship, on 
bullock, on sheep, 2 lambs, 2 basketts of oringes, 
bread, and saUetts. 

7 This morning the peace was almost broake off 
againe ; in so much that Sir John proferd to pay for 
all the fresh provisions that cam off, and was sending 
the slaves on shoare againe ; but by night all was 
well againe. 

8 The articles are now all signed on boath syds ; and 
the Trypolees sent off the articles, and at 5 in the 
morning fyred all the gunns about their cytty twice 
over, which was answered by all our fleete ; and the 
peace is absolutely ratifyd. 

At 8 a clock our ship takes leave of Sir John, and 
salutes him with 1 1 gunns and 3 cheares ; and he 
nobly saluts us with as many: wee retume him 
thanks with 5, and so part ; and our ship with the 



MARCH 1675-6. 145 

Dartmoutli and 3 merchant ships stand for Scan- 
deroond. This day I began to make buttons for 
som new cloaths. 
9 10 Very stormy weather boath these days. 
1 1 This day wee passe by the famous iland of Malta : 
the Dartmouth went in and told the news of the 
peace ; at which there was greate rejoycing ; and 6 
EngUsh ships cam out presently and sayled away: 
som of them for England. 
(12) Not such a day for raine and wind since wee cam 
out of England ; prayers, but no sermon. 
13 14 15 As bad blowing weather all these days ; yet wee 
keepe together. 

16 Thanks be to God, wee have better weather, and 
a fayrer wind. 

17 A fayre day, and wee are betweene Malta and 
Zante. This day I dranke part of a bottle of Deale 
ale. 

18 My byrth day; nat. 55. Wee have fayre wind 
and weather. 

(19) Now betweene Zante and Candia, with a fayre 
wind. I preacht a sermon of obedience to our 
Father. 

20 Fayre weather, but a scant wind. Wee see no 
land. The last night a ship cam very neare us, 
which so soone as ever shee discoverd us tackt off 
much affrited. 

21 Under Goza and Anti-Goza wee are calmed for 2 
howers. 

22 This evening wee are at the west end of Candia. 
High land. 

L 



MARCH 1675-6. 146 

23 Overagainst the hill on which stood Diana's 
temple. 

24 Wee had the service of the day, being Good Fry- 
day. This day Mr. Dawes brought mee my new 
coate. 

25 Our Lady Day. Past the east end of Candia ; 
1676. and a fresh gale. 

(26) Good Easter Day. I preacht a sermon; Marke 
xvi. 9. And prayers in the afternoone. 

27 This morning wee discover 2 ships which were 
coming upon us ; but as soone as wee tackt upon 
them, they tackt cleare from us, and made from us 
as fast as they could. They must needs be Try- 
polees, for they cam dyrectly from Alexandria, and 
non but Trypolees could be there about, 

28 A crosse wind the last night brought from the 
Hand of Cyprus an infinite number of hawkes among 
our shipps. There were taken at least 50 in our 
ship ; and wee are driven very neare the coasts of 
Egypt. But now a fay re gale. 

29 Wee discover the west end of Cyprus, but far off. 
Since yesterday 12 a clock to 6 this evening wee 
have runn 200 miles. 

30 The wind is so crosse that wee can not com to the 
anchoring place. 

31 At 8 wee com to an anchor in the bay of Saline ; 
and are saluted by our merchants with 7, 5 — 5 
gunns. 

About 10 I went a shoare, the sea being very 
ruff. The fort, standing neare the water, and faceing 



MARCH 1676. 147 

the roade, is very inconsiderable ; havein not above 
9 pittifiiU gimns in it. 

Uppon the Mareene stands a small towne, con- 
sisting of coffee-houses, and shopps, and ware-houses, 
and other places where wine is to he sould. In the 
middle of the streete lay severall hundredds of hogg- 
skins full of wines, which at the first sight I tooke 
for so many singed hoggs. 

At the west end of the village stands a very 
ancient Greeke church ; where Snt. Paule preacht 
the GhospeU of Jesus Christ. The place is kept very 
decent ; the church stands east and west ; as also 
stand all the Turks mosks, and they all bury east 
and west. Tis built as it were in the forme of a 
trebble crosse : not a window in the church ; for tis 
lighted with lamps and torches, som of which are 
continually burning. There is a south doore, the 
usuall entrance ; and a north, not so much used ; but 
only to goe out at into that part of the church yard; 
where are severall stones layd over severall graves ; 
som are English. 

On the right hand as soone as you com into the 
Church is the picture of Snt. George ; of our Saviour 
Christ ; the Virgin Mary, with the babe in her 
armes ; Snt. John, and many more. In the east 
end stands the altar in the middle of the chancell ; 
so that you may goe round about it. And on the 
altar lyes a golden crosse ; and certaine greate kakes 
of white bread (^as I tooke them to be) covered with 
a fine linnen cloth ; yet so, as that you might easily 

l2 



MARCH 1676. 148 

see the syds of them ; and som old bookes on on end 
of the altar. And betweene the altar and the wall 
at the very east of all is the sepulchre of Lazarus. 
I went downe into it; tis for length and breadth 
much like a saw-pitt, and so low that when you are 
in it you must almost creepe, and much a doe to get 
into it, but more to get out againe ; the stares being 
all worne away. And in on syd of the Church, viz. 
on the south syde, and towards the west end, hangs 
up part of a strange kinde of a small boate, which 
they say was the vessell in which Lazarus escaped 
when he cam to that iland. Over his sepulchre lyes 
on peice only of an old gravestone ; on which are 
some caracters, which seeme to have beene old 
Greeke caracters ; but so overwome that you can not 
understand any thing by them. 

West from this, about a little mile, stands Larneca; 
a plesant walke leading to it ; and is of itselfe a 
pleasant village, beautifyd with sever all handsom 
structures, such as that country affords ; where wee 
had good entertainment^ and excellent muskadell at 
our Consull's house. The feilds have Httle grasse 
therabout, but are overgrowne with camamile, mari- 
golds, muscovy, &c. And great store of caper 
bushes, palm trees, almond trees, and olives ; and 
such plenty of tyme, and so bigg growne, that the 
people stock it up to burne, as wee doe furse or 
ghosse. 

Excellent wines, white and red, which they make 
in the mountaine, and bring it downe in hogg-skins, 
like little ferkins. 



APRIL 167G. 149 

Aprill 1 Last night tempestuous ; and still cold and stormy 
weather. 
(2) I preacht a sermon on the word, Father. We must 
live to him. Wee had severall Turks and Greeks on 
board ; som of them seemed very devout with us, 
but all very civill, 
3 A summer's day. 4 this evening wee sayle for 

Scanderoond. 
5 Wee have an indifferent fayre gale : wee easily 
see the Mount Lebanon, whose top is all covered 
with snow at this time. 

Wee are entring on the bay where stands Fa- 



62 



^^ Famagusta is situated on the eastern side of the island^ and 
is the principal port. The city is built entirely on a rock^ and 
is two miles in circumference ; the walls are thick^ strongly built 
and flat on the top. They are surrounded by a deep ditch cut 
out of the solid rock^ and are flanked by twelve enormous towers^ 
the sides of which are four paces in thickness^ and inclose a circle 
five paces in diameter. In the interior of the city there is a 
PharoS;, three bastions and a rampart^ and also a strong citadel. 
There are two drawbridges^ one on the land side^, the other to- 
wards the sea; the latter conducts to the harbour which is ex- 
tremely narrow^ and is shut every evening by a chain thrown 
across its mouth. The entrance of it is forbidden except to un- 
loaded vessels^ on account of the bason being nearly filled up. 
It is defended on the east side by a chain of rocks which prevent 
the sea from entering with impetuosity, and on this account 
aflfords a very safe shelter for shipping; Captains therefore ge- 
nerally bring their vessels here to be hove down and refitted. It 
has little or no trade, and provisions are consequently abundant 
and very cheap. — Mariti, i. 133. 

According to Pocock, the great piazza in the principal square 
has been a beautiful design, having the house of the Governor, 
which is ornamented with a grand portico before it, on the one 
side, and the church of St. Sophia, a magnificent gothic building. 



APKiL 1676. 150 

jmagosta ; at 12 wee can plainly see it, and ships 
lying in their harbour. 

7 A crosse wind will not suffer us to goe our course, 
but halte closse under the Mount Lebanon ; where 
to this day remaine standing many of the olde cedars 
which were before the flood. This evening I buryed 
in the sea, Mr. Symon Selby, whoe dyed of a con- 
sumption. 

8 Wee are in sight of Cape Porcos ; but with a 
crosse wind ; and this day wee have scene 3 severall 
winds among our 5 ships, and all blowing at on time. 
I made my sheetes ; and this is the first night that I 
lay in sheetes, since I cam from England. 

(9) Wee are entred into the great bay that leads to 
Scanderoond. The buisnes of our ship hinders our 
devotions. 

10 At 3 in the morning wee are towed in ; and at 7 
wee com to an anchor in the roade. Where wee 
find the Martin which wee thought had beene lost ; 
and 2 ships more. Each of them saluted us with 5 
. gunns ; whom wee answered with 3 apeice. No 
sooner were wee at anchor, but our Consull, and 
Mr. Betten, cam on board us, and received us joy- 
fully ; whom wee saluted with 7 gunns. Our other 
4 ships cam in after us, all saluteing on another ; so 
that this day will be nothinge but salutes, visitts, and 
jolitys. 

now converted into a mosque, on the other ; more than two 
thirds of it were, however, thrown down by an earthquake which 
destroyed the greatest part of the city and a considerable number 
of the inhabitants in the year l^SS.-^Pocock^ vol. ii. p. i. 215. 



APRIL 1670. 151 

11 I went a shoare. Wliere our Captaine and som 
other gentlemen did redeeme the widdow the liberty 
of selling wine. I was my dollar. 

1 2 Thousands of flemingoes flye all about the bay to 
day: they are blew and bow - dye ; bigger then a 
swan, and as tall as a man ; and som say they por- 
tend ill weather. 

13 I went a shoare to prepare for Aleppo ; and dined 
with our Consull. 

14 All our Captaines and Consull dine with us; and 
are very merry. 

15 At 4 this morning the Alopeene and Ormand goe 
hence for England. 

(16) Prayers but no sermon ; for our Captaine went a 
shoare to be ghossip to on of our Consull's servants' 
child. 

17 A very blustering day. And this is (as it is called 
by our sea men) the last day of Lent ; that is, the 
day wheron the last boyling of the beife that was 
bought at Cyprus, was flung over board; for the 
meate was so bad, that they chose rather to eate 
bread dry, then to eate that meate. That was much 
to our Purser's discreditt. 

18. Bad weather, and a greate flock of flemingoes 
com amonge our ships ; a signe of more bad weather 

19 still. Bad weather this day. 

20 Fayre weather, and wee goe in nearer the shoare. 
A peice of an army, viz. 2000, cam the last night to 
Scanderoond ; and piched their tents closse to the 
towne. The Gaw, and the Greate Bashaw cam to 
see our ship ; whom wee salute with 5 gunns and 3 



APRIL 1676. J 52 

cheares. This Bashaw is com from Egypt, from 
Gi^and Cayre; and is going to Constantinople to 
marry the Grand Senior's sister ; and these men are 
his guard. 
21 22 Extreame hott wether boath these days. And 
wind at night. 
(23) Snt. George his day. Just when wee were going 
to prayers the wind rose so suddenly that our men 
were all busy in loareing yards and looking to the 
anchors. So that prayer time is past. At 12 a 
clock a Maltees man of warr, of 16 gunns and 30 
petarreroes, cam into the bay; whoe haveing taken 
som sikes from the Turks on those coasts, cam to an 
anchor, and put out a white ancient, and fyred a 
gunn ; to signify that the Turks might com to him, 
and redeem e, or buy his prizes of him. Our Con- 
suU and the Gaw dined with us ; and after dinner at 
the King's health wee fyre 25 gunns ; all the other 
ships after, fyred gunns accordingly. And at the 
Gawe's goeing off our ship gave him 9 gunns ; the 
Dartmouth 7 ; and the merchants 5 a peice. AH 
very merryc 
24 This day the Dartmouth (being so ordered by our 
Captaine) went and anchored closse by the Malteese, 
whoe saluted him with 7 gunns ; the Dartmouth 
answered him with 7 more. And at 4 in the after- 
noone the Maltees lieutenant cam on board us, and 
was courteously entertayned by our Captaine. The 
name of their ship is the Snt. Peter ; and the com- 
mander's name, Cavalier Dentershaud. 



APRIL 1676. 153 

25 I went a shoare ; wher I found a man and horse, 
and a tent provided for mee to goe up to Aleppo. 
26 27 Very tempestuous ; so that though I went a shoare, 
I was at night faine to com aboard againe. 

28 I went a shoare againe ; where I found our Cap- 
taines counting their monys for Aleppo, but there wee 
stay all night. 

29 This day about 10 of the clock, Captaine Har- 
man of the Gynny and my selfe, and a Janizary, 
and his man, and my man, doe begin our jurny to- 
wards Aleppo. At a place calld By land, about 10 
miles from Scanderoond wee dine, at an olde Greek's 
house, with good mutton steaks; and drank good 
wine, and payd a dollar. Tis a very strange built 
towne, standing uppon cliffs of rocks ; on house as 
it were on the top of another, for 6 or 7 houses 
high ; like pigion holes at a house end : so that it is 
a very difficult thing to finde the passage from on 
house to another, and as dangerouse for a man to 
goe it when he hath found it. 

About 6 or 8 miles from hence wee passe over a 
small bridge, by which stands a little howse, where 
you must call, and drink a dish of coffee, and give 
them halfe a dollar at least. Passing from hence, 
wee soone overtake our carevan, viz. a company of 
carriers of at least 600, every on haveing som armes ; 
and besyds them about 50 armed souldyers, which 
are our guard. 

In a plaine they all stay, throe downe the burdens 
from the cattell, and turne them up to feede. The 
Captaine and I have a tent piched over us ; an old 



APRIL 1676. 154 

Turkey carpet spread under, and a rowle of matting 
layd to lay our heads on. But what with the fleas 
and lyce that were in that carpett, and the froggs 
that were croakeing all about us, as also the hoote- 
ing of the jack-calls, I could not sleepe on winke, 
but wee sat up and drank wine and brandee, of 
which wee brought good store with us ; and there I 
did eat poUoe with the Turkes. 
(30) By two in the morne wee are on horsback againe, 
and com to the plaines of Antioch ; a rich soyle, and 
a plaine of at least 50 miles longe, full of fish and 
strainge foules ; and grasse almost up to the horse 
bellys, but no beasts to eate it, save here and there 
a few bufFeloes ; a strange kind of beast ; his body is 
as big as an ox, color black, but the head and horns 
standing forward, hogg-like, and very ugly. These 
the people use as wee doe cowes, of which there are 
very few. 

Haveing rod a longe way in this plaine, wee com 
at the last to a small village, the worst that ever I 
^ saw ; the houses being of nothing but reedes, and 
peices of the barke of trees covering the tops of 
them in the nature of hoUow tyles. Tis inhabited 
by Arabeans, whoe have abundance of these buflfeloes, 
and som few cowes, hoggs, som sheepe, and abun- 
dance of henns. Heare very neare to the houses are 
abundance of bufFeloe calves, every on of them tyd 
(like so many beares) to a stake, where I suppose 
they give them milke. The people were many of 
them milking these cattell when the Captaine, and I, 
and our Janizary cam thither ; for our Janizary had 
a friend lay there, which he was to caU on, and he 



APRIL 1670. 155 

brought us out of the way to that place. And many 
foule women were makeing of butter of the bufFeloes 
milke, which they put into a calf's skin, or hogg's 
skin, and so doe rowle it, and kneade it on the 
ground till it be a substance, more like greace then 
butter boath for looks and taste ; for the cheife lady 
of the towne (as I suppose by her habite) presented 
us with som of it^ and a little of that would goe farr. 
This Arabian lady was taU, and very slender, very 
sworfy of complexion, and very thinn faced ; as they 
all generally : haveing nothing on but a thinn loose 
garment, a kinde of a gyrdle about her middle, and 
the garment open before. She had a ringe in her 
left nostril], which hung (fowne below her nether 
lipp ; at each eare a round globe as bigg as a tennis 
ball, shining Hke gold, and hanging (in chaines that 
lookt like gold) almost as low as her brest, which 
you might easily see, and loath them for their ugly 
yellowish colour. She had also gold chaines about 
her wrists, and the smalls of her naked leggs. Her 
nayles of her fingers were coloured almost redd, and 
her lipps colourd as blew as indego ; and so also was 
her belly from the navill to her hamms, painted with 
blew like branches of trees, or strawbury leaves. 
Nor was she cautious, but rather ambitious to shew 
you this sight ; as the only raryty of their sex or 
country. The rest of the women were all alike for 
their painting in all places, but farr fowler. But wee 
did not more admyre their guarbe than they did us, 
and our swords, crowding after us to looke on us and 
our swords, till wee were faine to betake our selves 
to our horses. 



APRIL 1676. 156 

About 12 wee rest ourselves a little under our 
tent in a pleasant plaine and by a springe. Where 
were severall tombs neare us, but not a house to be 
seene : but ruined cyttys on every hill syd all alonge 
as wee passe by. 

About 6 a clock, I (being the foremost of all neare 
halfe a mile, for I was very weary with rideing in 
such a strange saddle) discovered a blew tent above a 
mile from us in a vally, on the very syd of the banke 
by the river Ephraim. I stay till the Captaine coms 
up ; and wee then see that it was the noble Alo- 
peenes, who had com thither 30 miles on purpose to 
meete us, and had bine here 2 days already. Here 
wee rested all night, and had excellent accomodation, 
but had no sleepe ; and for that wee might thank our 
selves. And in this river Ephraim, with a casting 
nett, I tooke 2 fishes, of which on was a foote longe, 
and much like a chubb. 
May 1 About two of the clock in the morning (spending 
but small time in dressing, for wee did but get up and 
shake us), wee mount againe, and were glad wee had 
all our horses safe ; for som of them had like to have 
beene stolen, though 6 men were sett on purpose to 
watch them. Wee expected bad weather, by reason 
of thunder a far off, but it did not reach us. Have- 
ing rod neare 3 howers on good plaine ground, wee 
cam to the foote of the rockey mountaines ; such 
way as I never rod, nor never heard of till I cam 
thither : nor could I have thought any horse, or other 
beast, carrying any loade, could possibly have gon 
over such a place. In som places you ascend a 
steepe hill for a mile together, and somtimes de- 



MAY 1676. 157 

scend as steepe, and as far: somtimes you passe 
over broade stones, as slippery as glasse, for 20 
yards together; and somtimes goeing in and out, 
turning about greate stones, and stepping over 
others ; and somtimes goeing up, or down stepps of 
slippery stones, like walls, able to throe, or breake 
the leggs of any beast : such travelling as I covdd not 
have beheved had I not seene it. And this for 5 or 
6 howers together. But those country horses, being 
accustomed to it, will carry you without stumbling, 
over them all, if you will but give them the bridle. 

And as wee passed over these rockey mountaines 
wee saw the ruines of severall stately cyttys, where 
part of the churches were remaining, and som inscrip- 
tions over the doores, but I could not reade them. At 
the last wee cam to a little towne called Hanjarr, 
where were som good houses, and a greate moske. 
But wee durst not goe to any house in the towne for 
feare of lyce, of which cattell the Turks have greate 
store ; but wee pitched our tent neare the towne, and 
had som Turkish foode brought to us, which was as 
bad as it was deare. Here wee rest two houres, and 
then mounted againe, and having rod about 1 miles 
farther, wee cam to the topp of a hill, beyond which 
about a mile and a halfe stands the cytty of Aleppo ; 
to which wee cam about 5 of the clock. Where as 
soone as wee were com to the enterance into the 
towne, Captaine Harman and myselfe were placed in 
the front, the 2 Janizary s only goeing before us ; and 
all the rest of the gentlemen (of which at least 40 cam 
to meete us) cam a loofe off behind us, as is the 
custom there, to signify that wee were straii:gers. 



MAY 1676. 158 

The people boath men and woemen cam out to gaze 
after us, whilst he and I rodd on together very 
merily. All the Franks accompany us to the factory ; 
where first the C^onsuU himselfe, and then all the 
rest of the gentry there present, takes us by the 
hand, and bids us wellcom. Here the Captaine 
leaves me, and goes to another English house. Then 
the Consull, Mr. Gamaliell Nightingall, takes me by 
the hand, and leads mee through a longe hall, into 
his chamber ; to which place cam all the rest of the 
Franks in particular, that had not done it before, to 
bid mee welcom to the towne. After a while the 
Consull takes mee by the hand, and leades mee 
'thwart a stately roome, which is their chappell, and 
puts mee into a very fayre chamber, and bids mee 
call it my home, &c. 

2 This morning Mr. Robt. Huntington, Chaplen 
there, and Captaine Harman and I went about (as 
it is the custom of the place,) to each Frank's house 
and chamber in particular to give them thanks for 
their yesterday's welcoming us to the towne, which 
was a task to be performed rather in a whole weeke 
then in on day. 

3 This morning wee went to visit som of those gen- 
tlemen, which wee had not time to visit yesterday. 
Among whome I found a young gentleman of Christ's 
Coll. in Cambridge, on Mr. Renoldsonn, co-temporary 
with my sonn Henry. And Mr, William Fane, of 
Fulbeck, in Lincoln-shyre, and Mr. George Tredway, 

" neare Borne, and Mr. Hussy, borne at Huntington, 
aU which used mee more courteously for country 
sake. 



MAY 1676. 159 

4 I was invited to dinner by Mr. Trench, where 
were 12 Englishmen more, where wee had enter- 
taynment for princes. 

5 After dinner at om^ Consull's I was invited to a 
collotion at Assera, that is at 4 a clock, to Mr. Sheap- 
heard's, kin to Mr. RauHns, of Stratford ; where also 
wee had most noble accommodation. 

6 This morning early (as it is the custom all sum- 
mer longe) at the least 40 of the English, with his 
worship the Consull, rod out of the cytty about 4 
miles to the Greene Piatt, ^ fine vally by a river 
syde, to recreate them selves. Where a princely 
tent was pitched ; and wee had severall pastimes and 
sports, as duck-hunting, fishing, shooting, hand- 
ball, krickett, scrofilo ; and then a noble dinner 
brought thither, with greate plenty of all sorts of 
wines, punch, and lemonads ; and at 6 wee returne 
all home in good order, but soundly tyred and weary. 

And here I cannot omitt the sight wee mett as 
wee rod from the cytty to this Greene Piatt. The 
Consull and my selfe only rideing a gentle pace to- 
gether, wee see a greate company of women coming 
all of a heape ; on was in the midst of them clad in 
a long red vale, with somthing of white over that, 
which was the woman goeing to be marry ed to the 
man ; for so they must doe. Two men rodd before 
this foote company on good horses, each haveing a 
longe pike in his hand, and a semiter by his syd ; 
whoe rod fyerely up to us, as though they would have 
charged us ; but cam and only rod round about us, 
and returned to their company: the foremost of 
which was the musick, with a taber just like a pel- 



MAY 1676. 160 

lett sive, and somthing like a pype which squeald 
very loud : and when this taber and pype had made 
a strange noyse for a while, (but no whitt like 
musick) then all the company cam in with the corus, 
crying lylly, lylly, lylly, lylly, &c. as lowde as they could 
squeale, all in one note, and as longe as a wind would 
hould. I am confident you might heare the noyse 
two miles at least ; and this musick and noyse they 
continued in the towne all that night. 
(7) I preacht a sermon in the factory; Psall. Ixvi. 13., 
and had an audience of above 50 English men — a 
brave shew in that wild place. And after I dyned 
with 10 more at Mr. Sherman's house; and at dinner 
time cam to our ConsuU 2 EngUsh gentlemen from 
Jherusalem: Mr. Robinson, and Mr. Pye. 
8 This day I dined with 23 more at Mr. Lanoy's 
house, whose father was ConsuU there before Mr. 
Nitingale. Wee had a plentifull dinner ; answerable 
to the neatenes of his house ; and greate plenty of all 
sorts of wine. And here I can not but relate to you 
what happened in that morning to 2 there at dinner. 
Twoe Dutch-men cam from Jherusalem with our 
2 gentlemen, viz. Mr. Robinson, and Mr. Pye, whoe 
(for the better convenience of travelling, that they 
might looke like Turks,) had let theyr beards grow 
^v ild and extreamly extravagant to a great length ; 
and coming now amonge the English, arid also to 
som of theire owne country men, were resolved to 
be in the same fasshon. But going to the Turks 
barbar to have their beards shaved off, he denyd it, 
blessing of himselfe, and sajing stifur-laiv : that is, 
God forbid that he should doe such a foule thing as 



MAY 1676. 161 

that was, to cutt such beards ; asking what afront 
any on had given them since they cam to tov/ne, that 
had causd them to cutt their beards. The gentle- 
men would have no denyall ; so at the last the bar- 
bar calls in 2 more Turks to wittnes, that he did it, 
but it was unwillingly. And now these gentlemen 
were a little afrayd least an aveny (fine) should have 
beene layd on them for cutting their beards; for that 
about a month before on of the Franks, for cropping 
of his horse eares, was punished with the payment of 
an hundered dollars, saying. Are you wiser than God 
AUmighty? And here Mr. Sheapheard gave mee 
that strange foule, called hy the Arabeans Sack- 
cokashy, or lowder-carrier — by us pelicans, which I 
brought home, and presented to my Honourable 
Lord Carington. 

In the plaines of Antioch there were thousands of 
these foule in a company, which at the first sight I 
tooke for greate flocks of sheepe. They are very white, 
and far bigger then a swann, and are an absolute 
water foule ; they are very stronge of wing, and will 
mount so high, till they lessen to the biggnes of a 
small hawke. Under their beake, which is halfe a 
yard longe, or rather just in their throate, they have 
a greate allforge, or bagg, which will holde 2 gallons 
of water. These foule keepe together in greate com- 
panys, in the plaines of Antioch ; but all the sum- 
mer time, but especially in the hottest time of all, 
they single themselves, and fiU their pouch or 
buckett with water, carrying also many fishes therin 
for their owne provision; and mounting a greate 

M 



MAY 1676. 162 

height in the ayre, they flye singly into the desarts 
of Arabia, where the small birds will com about them 
like chickens about a henn, for water, which this foule 
will distribute among them ; and when all his store 
is spent, he returnes to his old place, and haveing 
stayd a while, goes againe as before. The Turks 
call him the charitable bird. 
9 We had a breakfast, but no sett dinner ; but all 
the nation was invited at Assera to a treate of our 
ConsuU's providinge ; but such a on as I never saw be- 
fore. The perticulars whereof you may see below; the 
dishes being all placed as they stood on the table. 

A DISH or TURKEYS. A DISH OF TARTS. 

A PLATE or SAUCEAGES. 

A DISH or GELLYS. A DISH OF GAMMONS 

A BISQE OF EGGS. AND TONGS. 

A DISH OF GEESE. A DISH OF BISCOTTS. 

A PLATE OF ANCHOVIES. 

A DISH OF HENS. A VENISON PASTY. 

A PLATE OF ANCHOVIES. 

A DISH OF BISCOTTS. A DISH OF GREEN GEESE. 

A GREAT DISH WITH A PYRAMID 
OF MARCHPANE. 
A DISH OF TARTS. A DISH OF HENS. 

A DISH OF HARTICHOCKS. 
A PASTY. A DISH OF MARCHPANE. 

A DISH OF SAUCEAGES. ^^ CAKES. 

A DISH OF GAMMONS. A DISH OF BISCOTT. 

A PLATE OF HERRINGS. 
A DISH OF GEESE. A DISH OF TURKEYS. 

A PLATE OF ANCHOVIES. 

A DISH OF MARCHPANE. A PASTY. 

HARTICHOCKS. 

A DISH OF HENS. A DISH OF GELLYS. 

A PYRAMID OF MARCHPANE. 

A DISH OF BISCOTT. A DISH OF GAMMONS. 

* * * * ANCHOVIES. * « » » 



MAY 1676. 163 

10 I dined at Mr. Ivatt's liouse with six more, where 
wee had excellent provision ; plenty of wine, but 
especially good canary. 

11 I was with 30 more at a treate at Mr. Goodyear's, 
and entertained in a tent picht on the house topp ; 
their houses are flatt. 

12 This morning cam in a Caravan and many pil- 
grimms from Mecca, as is their use every yeare. 
They have beene out much about 6 mounths. And 
men, women, and children doe goe out of the cytty, 
crpng out as they goe, /j/%, lylly, &c. in token of 
greate joy to see their friends returnd. The men 
that have beene at Mecca at their returne are 
counted wise men, and are called Hadgi, as a tytle 
of honour ; and may w^are a greene coate. And the 
very cammells that have beene there, have a marke 
put on them to distinguish them from other cammells, 
and are not after that used to servile woorke. And 
this day I dined with 1 3 more at Mr. Delew's, where, 
besyds our excellent fare, wee had greate plenty of 
good canary — a greate rareity there, for it coms all 
from England. 

And here also dyned with us the 2 Dutch-men, 
whoe lately had their beards cutt, at whom wee had 
good laughing, for they were still afrayd of an 
aveny of 100 dollars. 

13 This day I went with 4 more gentlemen to see 
som of the great houses in the cytty ; (for it is not 
permitted to any stranger to com into the castle, ex- 
cept he intend not to com out againe.) 

The first wee went to was a Turk's house, viz. 
M 2 



MAY 1676. 164 

the Mussilera. He himseUe was not at home ; but 
gon the day before to Stambole, alias Constantinople : 
but wee were kindly entertayned by a servant with 
tobacco and coffee, and were shewed severall very 
stately roomes. 'Twas a pallace fitt for a King. 

The 2d house wee visitted was a Jew's house ; 
whear wee first knocked at the outermost gate, and a 
servant coming, wee told him our desyre was only to 
see the house ; and he went in to acquaint his Master. 
Wee would not follow him in, because it was the 
Jew's sabbaoth day, and about two of the clock. On 
of the gentlemen of the house cam out himselfe, and 
led us in, and seemed to take it ill that wee would 
make any scruple at all of coming in; for, says he, 
I am much beholden to any stranger that he will 
take so much paines as to com to see my house. 
He led us into a spacious roome, in the midst of 
which was a large fountaine, with 4 cocks flinging 
up water, and falling into the fountaine ; which was 
a square about 8 yards in compas. And each end 
of the roome was also a 4 square : and ascended 3 
or 4 stepps ; the square being spread over with 
rich carpetts, and velvett and plush longe cushens, 
richly embroydred with golde, lay closse on to 
another round about the carpetts. There were 4 
gentlemen whoe were all three parts fuddled, and 
had beene merry-makeing with their women, whoe 
had absented themselves at our aproaching (but 
som of them peeped at us at a dore as wee cam by 
them). For thus they spend their sabbaoth ; in the 



MAY 1G76. 165 

morning about sun-riseing they doe their devotions, 
and all the day following they spend in frollikeing with 
their women. They made us extreamly welcom with 
exceeding good wines of severall sorts, and severall 
sorts of biskott kakes and sweetemeats, such as I 
never saw before ; and shewed us their gardens, and 
tame pigions, and every thing but their women. 
This whole streete is all inhabited by Jewes, where 
wee mett boys and gyrles as fayre and as well com- 
plexioned as English. 

The third house was also a Turk's house, and a 
greate man ; viz. the Gaw, or Master of the Janizarys. 
Here wee were also courteously entertayned with 
tobacco and coffee, and cocolate ; and here wee saw 
som of his breeding mares, which were valued at a 
high rate ; but lookt like very jades. Thence wee 
cam back to dinner, only just looking into another 
house as wee cam. 
(14) Mr, Huntington preacht a farewell sermon; oc- 
casioned by the departure of those 4 gentlemen 
which cam with us, for England ; the text was Gen. 
xxxii. 9 : Returne unto thy country. The gentle- 
men were Capt. Browne, ^^ Capt. Ashby, Capt. 

^^ We are not able to procure any information relative to this 
gentleman^ except that he commanded the Richard fire-ship in 
1666, and in the month of August following was detached by Sir 
Richard Holmes to attack the Dutch fleet within the Islands of 
Ulic and Schelling. On this occasion Captain Browne rendered 
himself very conspicuous by burning the largest of two line of 
battle ships that were stationed there to protect the Merchant 
vessels. This exploit, which was the most difficult and dangerous 



MAY 1676. 166 

Hussy, Capt. Sherman. Also there cam with us 
Mr, Hill and Mr. Barrow. 

I was invited to dine with Mr. Delew, where wee 
had an excellent dinner, and store of good canary. 

After dinner wee walked about a myle from the 
cytty, and saw severall gardens, and pleasant plan- 
tations ; and so returned. 
15 Now intending for Scanderoond to morrow morn- 
ing, (according to the custom of the place,) being ac- 
company d by Mr. Huntington, I goe to most of the 
Franks' houses to take my leave ; and this was a 
hard taske. Now also I received presents from many 
of them ; who presented mee with 5 dollars for the 
most part. At 4 a clock, at Assera, the whole na- 
tion was invited to a treate at the present Captaine's 
house, Mr. Browne, whoe, because he was now to 
goe for England, made this feast to take his leave of 
his friends ; but it was the greatest that ever I saw. 
The table was made 24 yards in length, and the 
dishes placed according to the same fashon as they 
were at the ConsulFs feast, and stood as closse on to 
the other as it was possible to place them ; and the 
middle dish all alonge the table standing upon the 
other 4 that were next to it. They were furnished 
with the best things that could be procured there, 
with greate plenty of wines of all sorts. There were 
above an hundred princely disshes, besyds cheese, 

in the whole expedition, was bravely and successfully executed^ 
but his subsequent services do not appear to have been noticed 
by any of our naval historians. 



31 AY 



1676. 167 



and otlier small dishes of rare kinds of sweete meats. 
And 60 and od Franks sate downe, besyds many 
that would rather stand, or walke about. This did 
far exceede the Consull's feast. Here wee dranke 
parting healths, till many could drink no longer; 
thinking wee should have taken our jurney the next 
morning. But this evening we were commanded by 
the Musselem and the Meane not to stirr. 
16 This morninge at 8 of the clock, to give mee all 
the favour that lay in their power, I was, by the 
noble Consull, Mr. Gamaliell Nitingale, and the 
Captaine, and the rest of the English gentry, created 
knight of the Malhue, or Vally of Salt. The manner 
of it was as foUoweth: 

First there vv^as a dispensation voted, for my not 
goeing to the Vally of Salt, in regard of our present 
affayres. Then taking into my mouth som salt from 
the poynt of the sword, which was in lew of a bitt 
of the mould of the Vally, which had I beene there 
I should have taken from the sword's poynt into my 
mouth, which was as bad as salt could be, I kneeld 
downe ; the Consull takes the sword in his hand, (but 
it had no hilt on it, yet was it, as they tell you. King 
David's sword ;) and then brandishing it over his 
head 3 times, and lookeing bigg awhile, at last with 
a more wild countenance, he pronounces these en- 
sueing words : 

Thou hardy wite^, I dubb thee Knight 

With this old rusty blade ; 
Rise up Sir H. T., Knight of the ]\Ialhue 

As good as ever was made. 



MAY 1G76. 168 

Then I riseing up, and kissing the sword with a 
greate deal of gravity, doe make loe obesance to 
all the company, and give them all thanks ; after 
which the Chawes first reads these ensuing verses 
alowd to me, and after presents them fay re written 
unto me. 

Now heare what y'are oblidg'd to doe. 

You noble Knights of the Mallhue. 

Or as som others please to caU't^, 

Brave Knights of the Vally of Sallt. 

First you must love^ and help each other. 

With the affection of a brother. 

Anger or wrath must not appear e 

To have a motion in your spheare. 

But meeke as lambs^ or sheepe^ or wether ; 

So you must love and live together. 

From virtue let not ought intice^, 

Or steale your minds. Eschew all vice* 

Be to all pleasing, gentle, kinde. 

Brave symptoms of a knight-like mind. 

You must indeavour to redresse. 

All that 's amisse. And if distresse 

On brother, widdow, Avife, or mayd 

Fall, you must stand up to their ayd. 

Your promises to all these rights. 

You must performe as you are Knights. 

These are the orders to be observed by the 
noble Knights of the Mallhue or Vally of Salt, 
which is 20 miles beyond Aleppo. Dated May 16, 
1676.^" 

^^ There is no account or even notice of this Institution in any 
of the books which treat of Aleppo and the adjacent country. 

Dr. Russell's Natural History of Aleppo, edit. 1794, affords 
much useful information relative to the Europeans resident there: 



MAY 1676. 169 

This ceremony being ended, a little after ten a 
clock, our noble Consull, attended with most of the 
English in towne, went to the Caddee, (who is in 
the natm-e of a Ld. Cheife Justice,) to know the 
cause of our restraint. There was a greate chayre 
richly gilt, carryed by 2 men, before the Consull all 
along the streete ; and when wee cam to his house 
the chayre was carryed up into the roome, and 
placed just against the Caddee, who sate like a tayler 
on his carpetts, with a boy leaneing on a pillow 
closse by him on his right hand, and 2 more with 
him Hke Counsellors. The Caddee had on his head, 

their customs and amusements are minutely described^ but there 
is no allusion to this order; it was therefore probably a mere ex- 
cuse for conviviality (something like our orders of Druids and 
Odd Fellows)^ which had little or no duration beyond the period 
of its institution. The Valley of Salt is mentioned by Russell 
(who resided at Aleppo several years prior to 1753 as physician 
to the British Factory^) to be situate about eighteen miles 
distant from the city in a south eastern direction ; and Maun- 
drell, who was Chaplain to the Factory in 1697j describing his 
journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, says of this valley, " It is 
of two or three hours' extent ; we were three quarters of an hour 
in crossing one corner of it. It is of an exact level, and appears a:t 
a distance like a lake of water. There is a kind of dry crust all 
over the top of it, which sounds, when the horses go upon it, like 
frozen snow when it is walked upon. There are three or four 
smaU rivulets empty themselves into this place, and wasli it all 
over about autumn, or when the rain falls. In the heat of sum- 
mer the water is dryed off, and when the sun has dried the ground 
there is found remaining the crust of salt aforesaid, which they 
gather and separate into several heaps according to the degrees 
of fineness; some being exquisitely white, other alloyed with diit. 
From this place aU the neighbouring country is supplied with 
salt." 



MAY 1676. 170 

instead of his turbate, a globe, neatly covered with fine 
linnen, which lay all in very neate pleats, very ex- 
actly done, and was neare of the compas of a strike 
or bushell. Our ConsuU presently sate downe in his 
chayre, with his hatt on,andcockt; andhaveingdranke 
a cup of cocolate, and had his beard perfumed (as is 
their custom, in token of his honour,) he propounds 
our case very breifly, but by an interpretor. The 
Caddee by his interpretor gives his answer, and 
pleades ignorance in the buisnes. But in coms an old 
Turke, in poore cloathes, stroaking his longe beard a 
wry, with his nether lipp and chin quivering, holding 
out his left arme at its full length, with the 3 fore- 
most fingers stretched out, and his thumb and little 
finger cluncht together in the middle of his hand ; 
and pulling one of the httle buttons that were on the 
bosum of his delaman, with the fore-fingar and the 
thumb of his right hand, (aU which are signes of 
verity of speach ;) and alleages that a Maltee cursare 
had taken a syke, which was laden with his goods, 
and that the English were accessary to it, and had 
bought many of his goods ; and he proferd to make 
oath of this, though it was a very lye. After a Httle 
examination, his oath would not be taken ; and the 
Caddee told us that wee might goe when wee pleased. 
Notwithstanding all this, at on a clock a messenger 
was sent to deny Captaine Harman's passage. 
17 This morning wee thought all of us to goe out^ 
and provisions were made for the same purpose ; 
and our Janizary told our ConsuU that he would se- 



MAY 1676. 171 

cure our passage with his life. But the Meane, that 
is, the Deputy Governor, sent us word that the men 
might goe, but not their goods. And this was as 
bad as the tother. 

Wee dined 20 of us at Mr. Harrington's, at a 
greate feast. And at night command was given 
from the Meane not to suffer any Frank, or Frank's 
servant, to ride, or carry any thing out of the cytty. 

1 8 This morning our Consull sent a messenger on pur- 
pose to the Ld. Finch ^^ to Stambole, to acquaint him 
with our greivances, who will be there in 1 days. 
Wee are still restrayned, but promised to have 
liberty next morning. 

1 9 This morning our Consull being allmost impatient, 
knowing that our shipps were ready to sayle for Eng- 
land, being accompanyd with a greate traine of brave 
English men, and also som Dutch and French, went 
bouldly to theire Seraglio, a very gallant place ; 
where wee find the Caddee, the Meane, the Mussilem^ 
and the Master of the Janizarys (the 4 governors 
of the cytty) all together. After the ceremonys be- 
fore specifyd were over, our Consull began with 
greate courage to charge them with breach of articles,. 

^" Lord Finch returned from his embassy at Constantinople in 
1669, but a Sir John Finch was resident there as English Am- 
bassador at the time Teonge was at Aleppo; and Anderson, in 
his Annals of Commerce, mentions him as having concluded a 
Commercial Treaty with the Sultan Mahomet IV. some time in 
1675, which was the same year. He died at Constantinople 
during his embassy, but was brought to England, and interred in 
the chapel of Christ's College, Cambridge, in 1682. It seems 
Teonge had mistaken him for his predecessor. 



MAY 1676. 172 

and to demand satisfaction for our false imprison- 
ment ; and told them that if he could not be heard 
there, he would goe with lights to Stambole, and 
make the Greate Turke acquainted with the buis- 
nes. This dispute grew higher and higher for at least 
halfe an hower ; the old Turke aggravating what he 
had alleaged, with a greate deale of earnestnes and 
confidence; I might say, impudence. In the heate 
of all this discource cam in a packett from Stambole 
to our Consull, which he commaunded to be opened 
before them all ; for, says hee, there may be in it 
som thing may concerne our buisnes : and so it 
proved ; for there was an order or expresse to the 
Mussellem from the Grand Seniour, to confirm and 
estabhsh all the commaunds and priviledges that 
were formerly made concerning the English. At the 
sight of which, the Turks lookt very dijectedly on 
upon the other, and presently gave us all our liberty 
without paying so much as an asper : the Mussellem 
speakeing these words in their language, " The order 
is good, and must be observed by my head ;" make- 
ing all of them a low bow to us all. 

So back wee returne with greate tryumph and re- 
joycing ; and all provide for our jurny next morning. 
But such a parting of friends did I never see. The 
kind treate, and loath to depart, ended at my cham- 
ber ; for the Consull went to each of their chambers 
particularly to bid them farewell, and mine was the 
last he visitted, being the next to his owne, where he 
gave me 2 chekeens (chequins). 



MAY 1676. 173 

To give you a small discription of this cytty of 
Aleppo before I leave it. It is a very ancient cytty, 
as the buildings sufficiently shew. The Arabians 
call it Halep, which signifys milke ; indeed it lookes 
very white afarr off; in regard the topps of the houses 
are tarras. But this cytty was built by Halepius a 
King there, as the tradition goes, which was ther- 
fore neare his name called Aleppo ; but I could not 
see or heare of any of his monuments there. Tis 4 
miles in compas, and invironed with a very high 
wall, which is much decayd all most in all parts of 
it ; in which are severaU fayre gatehouses, especially 
two of them like little castles. The streets are very 
narrow, and full of corners and turnings, and paved 
with flatt stones. The buildings are many of them 
very statly, but much ruinated all over the cytty : in 
the midst of which there are severall large streets 
arched over the topp like to a bridge, no light com- 
ing in save only at som small holes on the very topp, 
or at the greate gates which are at the ends. These 
places are called the bazar, or markett place ; for 
they are like our exchange, shopps on each syd of 
all manner of trades, no body dweUing there, but 
are open and full of company all the day, but shutt 
at night at 9 a clock or before. 

Their moskues are stately places : of these are so 
many, that I could never heare their certayn num- 
ber. Wee must not go into them. Nay, their very 
women are not suffered to com into them ; being, as 
they themselves call them, uncleane cretures, made 



MAY 1676. 174 

only for the use of man, and doe defyle the liioskues 
by their coming in, as much as a Christian doth ; and 
are not admitted to any devotion. 

There are in som part of this cytty places made 
with greate charge (as I am told) wherin strange 
sorts of fish are kept, for the use of the Grand Se- 
niour. The men goe generally in longe garments ;, 
so also doe the women, but they have all of them a 
vayle before their faces when they goe forth of the 
doores, excepting som few young ons, which were 
slaves, eyther taken or bought of Christian parents ; 
and lisenced whores, of which I saw only 3. Their 
choyce women never com out into the streetes, but 
they have their peepe-holes, as appeares by a pleasant 
story. 

Not above haUe a yeare before I cam thither, cam 
a noble English man, who must be namelesse : he 
had not beene many weekes in towne ; but by his 
walking about to see the cytty, he was taken notice 
of by on of the cheife Turks' ladys of the cytty, whoe 
sent a Turke to him, to accquaint him, that his 
lady, a person of greate quality, did desyre his com- 
pany ; with assurances that he should have courteouse 
reception, and returne as safe as he cam thither, and 
with all that she would have no denyall. 

The gentleman consults with the Consull ; whoe in 
short told him he must goe, or expect to be stabd the 
next time he went out. Seing no remeddy, he goes 
with the Turke, whoe brings him by back ways into 
a stately house, and there to a beautifull lady, whoe 



MAY 167G. 175 

entertayiied hiin above what was promised; and 
with her he stayd 3 nights, and was after safly con- 
voyd back, and with a greate gratuity. Severall 
passages he related to the Consull. Much about 
a fortnight after, the sam Turke corns to him 
againe, with whom he went, stayd 3 nights, and 
returnd as before. With in the same compas 
of time she sends a 3d time ; he goes and stays 
2 nights, and the third night shee told him that 
her husband was unexpectedly com home ; but bad 
him not trouble himselfe at all, for that he should 
be as secure as ever he was before, and that shee 
would lye with him that night also : which she per- 
formed accordingly, and the gentleman returned 
safe and well rewarded. But being so neare being 
discovered, and knowinge that the lady would not 
be longe without his company, he went suddenly 
out of the cytty ; whose departure was much la- 
mented by the lady, as was after known to the 
Consull, by the Turke which used to com for him ; 
and this shews they love the English. 

The cheife beauty of this cytty is to be scene from 
the top of a hill, which is about a mile or more west 
of the cytty, over which hill lyes theroade to Scander- 
roone. From hence the cytty shews most beautifull ; 
it stands rownd, the buildings aU of stone and flatt 
on the topp (where they lye all summer), and done 
with tarras ; looks white, and very beautifull. Next 
you see the coopelows (cupolas), which are in abun- 
dance, not only on their moskues, but on many of 



MAY 1676. 176 

their greate buildings, rising up above the rest of 
their buildings, like so many pretty mountains over 
the plaines : as also abundance of rownd towers, of 
which there is on at every moskue, from which the 
Turks are called to there devotions (6- times in 24 
houres) in these words, or very neare them, viz. 
La illah illella Muhemet re sul Allah : — there is but 
on God, and Mahomet his Profett. These that call 
are called Telismani. Another adorning is the Cy- 
prus trees, which are very high, and greene, and all 
over the towne ; which make a very pretty shew. 
And last of all the castle, which, though it stand on 
the south syd of the cytty, yet from that hill it 
seems to stand in the very midst of all the cytty, 
and on a round hill farr above the highest tower or 
place in the cytty. Thus the place lookes most 
pleasantly from that hill ; but when you com into 
the cytty your expectation is frustrated ; where you 
find abundance of ruinous walls and houses, the 
Turks repayring non, only the English keepe theire 
houses in good repayre. About the towne are brave 
gardens, and pleasant plantations, wherein grow 
all manner of garden stuff, apples, peares, plums, 
apricocks, peaches, cereys, figgs, pistachoes, and 
other things ; being made more fruitfuU by a small 
brooke which runns closse by the towne, and is only 
bigg enough to furnish the towne with fresh water .^^ 

^ In situation^ magnitude^ population and opulence^, Aleppo is 
much inferior to Constantinople and Cairo; nor can it presume to 
emulate the courtly splendour of either of those cities ; but in sa- 
lubrity of air, in the solidity and elegance of its private buildings, 
- as well as in the convenience and neatness of its streets, it may 



MAY 1G76. . 177 

Here is also greate plenty of good mutton, lamb, 
al manner of foules ; of late, som beife, brought only 
to the English. 

be reckoned superior to tliem Loth, and thougli no longer possessed 
of the same commercial advantages as in former times, it still 
continues to maintain a share of trade far from inconsiderable. 

The city, including its extensive suburbs, occupies eight small 
hills of unequal height, the intermediate valleys, and a consider- 
able extent of flat ground, the whole comprehending a circuit of 
about seven miles : it is surrounded by an ancient wall, which is 
mouldering fast into ruin through neglect ; the broad deep ditch 
which surrounds it, is in most places filled up with rubbish or con- 
verted into garden-ground. From the brow of the hills within 
two or three miles of the city, on the north side, it becomes a 
striking object, and though part only can be observed from that 
point of view, it appears of vast extent. The mosques, the mi- 
narets and numerous cupolas, form a splendid spectacle. The 
flat roofs of the houses, which are situated on the hills rising one 
behind the other, present a succession of hanging terraces inter- 
spersed with cypress and poplar trees, and crowning the whole 
the lofty towers and minarets of the Castle rise with an apparent 
magnitude which from that distance gives an imposing finish to 
the scenery. But the ideas of splendour suggested by a dis- 
tant prospect of the city usually subside on entering the gates : 
the streets, on account of the high stone walls on each hand, ap- 
pear gloomy and more narrow than they really are; some, contain- 
ing even the best private houses, seem little better than alleys 
winding among the melancholy walls of nunneries; for a few 
high windows guarded with lattices only are visible, and silence 
and solitude reign over all. 

The population of Aleppo was computed in 1683 at 290,000 
persons. 

It is encompassed at the distance of a few miles by a circle 
of hills, generally rocky, scantily provided with springs, and to- 
tally destitute of trees: they afford, however, pasturage for a few 
sheep and goats, and some few spots among them are culti- 
vated. 

There is only one public burial-ground within the walls, but 
a number of small private cemeteries are found there : without 

N 



MAY 1676. 178 

20 This morning by 7 a clock, accompany d with hig 
worship the ConsiiU, and at least 200 English^ 
French, Dutch, and Venetians, wee begin our jurny 

the walls the burial-grounds are of a vast extent round the 
town^ and in a clear bright day the multitude of white tombs and 
grave-stoneS;, when viewed from a distance, adds much to the 
rocky, sterile appearance of the country. 

" Close to the city are some ancient stone quarries^ consisting 
of a number of vast excavations forming caverns, some of which 
communicate by subterraneous passages of great length. These 
dreary places afford a winter habitation for a number of Be- 
douin Arabs ; they also serve as stables for camels, and not unfre- 
quently are converted by the Janizaries into dens of debauchery. 

" The Castle stands upon a lofty hill at the north-east corner 
of the city, and is encompassed by a broad deep ditch about half 
a mile in circumference. The entrance is on the south side by a 
bridge over the ditch, consisting of seven high narrow arches upon 
which are two gates fortified with turrets, the bridge at the se- 
cond gate drawing up. Under this gate sits the Aga of the cas- 
tle, with two or three guards, who do not stand in the manner 
of sentinels, but are employed in some work, as embroidery or 
the like, their arms being suspended behind them against the 
wall. From this second gate the ascent is gentle and direct, till 
where the bridge terminates at a third gate loftier than the 
others, over which are handsome apartments for state prisoners 
of a certain class. The rest of the ascent is rather steep, but 
winds through a wide, high, covered passage, which appears from 
without like a strong redoubt, and within is encumbered on each 
side with gun-carriages and large beams. As it receives light 
only from some narrow apertures in the wall, it may be easily con- 
ceived how horribly dark it must appear to the desponding prii 
soner on the way to his dungeon. Beyond this passage there is 
a fourth but smaller gate, and from that a narrow ill-paved street 
leads by a steep ascent to the top of the hill. In walking up, 
after passing the fourth gate, some shops appear on the left, and 
opposite to them are several short cells with iron grates. Still 
higher on the left are a few large ancient houses which occasion- 
ally serve for persons in confinement, and on the other hand are 



MAY 1676. 179 ^ 

back to Scanderoond. These goe with us all to a 
place calld the Olde Cane, being a decayed building, 
like to an olde quadi-angle ; where wee had a ti eate 
of severall good things, and plenty of wine, brought 
thither by the Consull's appoyntment: it was 4 miles 
from Aleppo. Here the disconsolate Consull and 
greate part of the company bid us addue, with 
thousands of well wishes. 

Towards the evening, the Captaine and I, and 
som of the Alopeenes, leave the caravan and goe to 
a hill syd on the left hand, where was the relicte of 
a famouse structure, and by it a greate church. In 
som parts of this house there were pillars of whole 
stones of at least 6 yards longe, and of a vast thick- 
nes, and on the topps of them other pillars of the 
like length and biggness. The buildings borne up by 
these were of greate massy stone, hewed so true 
that they closed together, never haveing any morter 
layd betweene them. These were all of such a vast 
biggnes, that it is miraculouse to think how they 
should ever be raysed to such a greate height. Here 
was a well of excellent water ; and all over the hill 
syd were the mines of greate buildings. From hence 
wee went over a plain e to another hill syd, called 
HoUeea, amonge the rockey mountaines ; where were 
som pittifull habitations made in the mines of those 
that had beene sumptuous buildings. This did seeme 

several short cross streets, with neat houses for the garrison. At 
the summit of the hill stands a mosque, and near it a well or re- 
servoir of great depth from which the water is raised by a horse 
wheel." — RusselVs Natural History of Aleppo. 

n2 



MAY 1676. 180 

to have beeiie formerly som large cytty, and only a 
lovely playne parted this and that from whence wee 
cam ; all their cyttys haveing formerly beene built 
on the syds of hills. 

Here wee find sepulchres or burying places, made 
by much art and labour on the syd of the hill, in 
the maine rock, which lys bare, having not so much 
as grasse, or any the least earth upon it. These se- 
pulchres are much about the breadth of a saw-pitt, 
and have about 6 decents or stayres ; at the bottom 
of those an entrance of about a yard square, and 
a doore at least a foote thick of the same stone, 
and turning upon pivotts of the sam . stone at the top 
and bottom of each doore ; yet are these cut and 
poysed so exactly, that yovi pull them open as 
easily as you may a wainscott doore. When you 
have opened this dore, you find 1 or 2 or 3 stayres, 
and then you are on a flatt floare, as smoath as can 
be ; the roofe and syd allso of the like smoathnes. 
In som of these sepulchres you shall have but on 
* roome, in som two, and in som 3 roomes, of the 
breadth of a bay of building, and at the least 7 foote 
high. In many of these, and especially on the right 
hand as you com in, you shall find arches cutt also 
out of the maine rock ; every on haveing a trough 
or stone coffin in it, wherein the bodys of the de- 
ceased was layd : every on of these sepulchres be- 
longing to a particular family. Over the mouthes of 
som of these were layd greate stones, of an incredible 
biggnes, so that ther is no getting in to them. But 
I was in severall of them; som of them have som 



3IAY 167G. 181 

water in them ; but not so mnch as a bone in any 
of them. All this greate hill, as they tell mee, is full 
of these burying places for at least 3 miles in length, 
besyds the breadth, which can not be lesse then a 
mile to the sight. 

Uppon this bare hill syde wee lye this night in 
little ease, haveinge nothinge betweene the stone and 
us but an old carpett, and a stone thrust under the 
carpett instead of a pillow : twas bad lodging and 
very cold. Our horses were all below in the plaines. 
I crept closse to the Ld. Pagett, and got a share of 
his pillow, and I had on small nap ; but I awaked 
quickly, and opening my eys I was almost frited, 
for the ayre was full of sparkes of fyre, which was a 
strange sight at the first. Then I perceived they 
danced all about ; at which considering, I found 
them to be a kind of a gnatt with a tayle like a 
glow-worme.^^ 

^' Sir George Sandys^ who preceded our author somewhat 
more than half a century in this part of the worlds mentions the 
extraordinary effect produced by these insects in a dark night. 
The first time he encountered them was in the valley near the 
base of Mount Carmel, toward which his party had directed their 
course, in order to avoid a party of the Saphies belonging to the 
army of IMorad Bassa, which then infested the plains. He pro- 
ceeds thus : — "^ Having gained the foot of the mountain, we re- 
posed for the remainder of the day ; when it grew dark we arose, 
inclining on the left hand into the valley, and after awhile ming- 
ling with a small caravan of Moors, we were enjoined to silence, 
and to ride without our hats, lest we should be discovered for 
Christians. The clouds fell down in streams, and the pitchy 
night had bereft us of the conduct of our eyes had not the light- 
ning afforded a terrible light; and when the rain intermitted, the 
air appeared as '\f full of sparkles of fire, borne to and fro with 



MAY 1676. ]82 

(21) About 4 of the clock in the morning wee mount 
againe, and haveing past over all the rockey moun- 
taines, the worst way that ever I rod, wee cam in 
the morning about 10 of the clock to the river 
Ephraim, where wee piched 3 tents ; went to prayers, 
and dined, and som slept awhile. Soone after just 
20 of us mount for Scanderoond, leaveing there 13 
and their servants, whoe intended to stay there to 
shoote and take their pleasure therabouts for 2 or 3 
days. But the parting was with many teares. 

From hence wee com to a place where there was 
not a house to be scene, yet was there thousands of 
graves, som olde, many new ; som with grave-stones 
over them, and som with uprite stones at head and 
feete, and of severall fashones ; yet all lay east and 
west. These were by a place called the Hott-springs, 
of which there are two remarkable, boath coming 
out of the syd of a hill, and riseing upon the sunn- 
riseing. I could not discover any towne or house 
neare them, though you might see a long way, there 
being no woods or bushes to hinder the sight ; yet 
were there severall beaten paths from all parts to 
them boath, but especially to the biggest of them, as 
if it had been to a markett towne. They were neare 
halfe a mile distand on from the other ; and these 
graves were uppon a longe banke that was between e 
them. Wee allighted at the biggest of them, and I 
putt my hand into the water, which was so hott, 

the wind, by reason of the injimte swarms of fiies that do shine 
like ghw-worms: to a stranger;, a strange and curious spectacle/^ 
^L. iii.158. 



MAY 1676. 183 

boyling up in the middle of the pitt, that I could 
not with out paine endure my hand in it. The place 
itself was nothing but a durty puddle, the bank-syd 
about it being broaken and fallen into it, and so farr 
from the least handsomnes, that there was not a 
stone placed about it, nor any thing to sit downe 
uppon ; but if you would reach to the water, you 
must tread in the mudd to com to it, there not 
being so much as clensing don to it ; yet certaynly it 
. was a very soveraine w ater. The water was very 
cleare, but of a blewish colour, much like the water 
that Roman-vitriol is dissolved in ; and towards the 
banke tis very slymy, haveing a blew fylme or skin 
over it. The tast as noysom as is the savour, boath 
like brimson when tis burning; so nautiouse that 
our horses would not be forced to com neare it by 
neare 100 yards. The bredth was about 6 yards, 
and a current ran from it enough to drive a small 
mill. Mr. Hill put a halfe dollar into the water ; in 
2 minuts time it was changed as yellow as any gold. 
The other was of the same nature, but lesse, and 
fuller of mudd. 

A little farther from hence, I (being the next to 
our Janizary, whoe was the fore most of all the com- 
pany,) heard him speake strange words to him selfe, 
and clapt his sturrups to his horse, and charged his 
pyke towards the ground, and galloped forward. I 
followed him, and looking before him, I saw a 
greate serpent, as thick as the middle of an ordinary 
man ; his colour was like blew shineing-armour, and 
his back and syds and head seemed all rugged. He 



MAY 1676. 184 

. went away to a brake of bushes which were not 
above 10 yards then from him, and made but small 
hast, as if he did not much care to goe, or stay ; 
lifting up his head a great deale higher then his body, 
and his tayle higher then that, and turned in, like a 
gray-hound's when he stands at gaze ; and so he went 
off, opening his mouth very wide, and chopping his 
white teeth together, and crept into a greate hollow 
hole, which went in under a shelf of a rock. He 
was at least 4 yards longe as he walked. There 
were many bones lay there abouts, all broken in 
peices ; sora of them might be easily deserned to be 
of men or women, and som of sheep,, and of severall 
other crctures. And this place of his aboade was on 
a plaine, and in the midst of the roade way. 

In the evening wee com to a place called the Broad 
Waters ; where the whole caravan unloaded, ia 
grasse up to the middle. Here wee spred our carpetts 
in the very way, and lay downe thinking to have 
got som sleepe ; but wee were quickly found out by 
. the muskeetos, or greate gnatts, which did so tor- 
ment us, that wee could have no rest ; and ^ here 
from the water syde, and from amonge the reeds and 
flaggs, cam out a greate heard of wild sWine, and ran 
away to the hills. 
22 About on of the clock at the farthest this morning 
wee mount againe, and are soone got to the plaines 
of Antioch againe, and so neare to the village of 
the Arabeans (of which I spake before,) that wee 
heare their cocks crow apace. Where, what with the 



:sfAY 1676. 185 

darknes of the morning and the willfullnes of som 
that led the way, wee part companys, the greatest 
part going (as wee supposed) on the left hand, and 
the worst way ; 1 4 of us, all Franks but on, went 
on the right hand, betweene the plaines and the 
mountaines, and wee were so neare to the moun- 
tayneers, or wild Arabians, that wee often heard 
them talk on to the other; wee lookt every minuit 
to have beene besett by them, but the darknes shel- 
tered us a little. After 3 howers wee all meete 
againe ; and wee 14 being the foremost, wee mett a 
messenger, whoe was sent on purpose to bid us make 
all the hast wee could possible, else the ships would 
be gon before wee com. 

On wee ride, and about 2 howers after wee baite 
a while at a spring, and eate som victualls, cold 
henns, chickens, cheese, and drinke good wines ; but 
the cheifest thing wee Vv anted was sleepe. But wee 
could not stay for this. Haveing now rod to the 
topp of som mountaynes, called Byland Mountaines, 
wee might looke over all the plaines, and with ease 
vew the Lake of Antioch, and the mouth of the 
river Orontes, and the very castle and the walls of 
the cytty ; also you might easily perceive the greate 
breach in the syde of the hiU, made formerly by an 
earthquake which brake out there, and destroyed 
great part of the cytty ; but now the greatest part 
of the cytty stands a Httle lower, and nearer to the 
v/ater. The cytty is not above 6 good miles from 
this place. 



MAY 1676. 186 

Here I being very willing to be at my jurnys enJ^ 
was gotten the fore most of all, and I heard som 
pistoUs fyred before mee, and as I thought very neare 
me. And being a little afrayd of the Arabeans, 
knowing that it was a place much frequented by 
them, for it was at a crosse roade, and at a narrow 
lane corner, and also woods on all syds ; I made my 
pistoU and sword ready, and made a halt for Cap- 
taine Harman, who I knew was but a little behind 
mee : but before he cam to mee, two men beckoned 
me to com to them up a greate bank out of the way. 
I refused (takeing them for the Arabians) and stood 
OD my guard, till my fellow travellor cam to me. 
Then wee perceived the plott ; for Consull Low, of 
Scanderoond, with severall other gentlemen, cam so 
farr to meete us, which was 15 miles ; and they had 
sent the 2 men to turne us that way. So wee went 
with them to the topp of the hill ; where wee were 
welcomed with a treate of fish, and flesh, and good 
wines ; and from thence wee hast 5 miles farther to 
' Byland, where wee made a halt about halfe an houre. 
And that evening wee cam 10 miles farther, to Scan- 
deroond ; being mett by all the English gentle- 
men, and a drum and pype of the Greekes. And 
at our alighting from our horses were saluted 
with gunns from all the ships. Here wee stay a 
while at the English factory, and then all the Alo- 
peenes cam on board of our ship, and stayd all night 
there. 
23 24 Nothing but merryment ; and prepareing for sayl- 
ing. 



?.[AY 1G7G. 187 

25 About 1 this morning wee are under sayle, but 
to small purpose, the wind being against us. No- 
thing but salutes and feasting. 

26 At 3 in the afternoon e the Dartmouth goes back 
with those Alopeenes which cam only for love ; our 
ship saluting them with 15 gunns, and shee answer- 
ing with as many. The Providence and Martin also 
saluted them. So wee 3 (haveing left the Dart- 
mouth and the Gynny to com after us) doe stand 
for Cyprus. 

27 Wee have passed Cape Porcos, and are against 
the Bay of Antioch. 

(28) And now neare the east end of Cyprus. I preacht 
a sermon ; Math. vi. 9. 

29 The Byrth Day and Restoration Day of our sove- 
raine King Charles II. I preacht a sermon ; text, 
PsaL cxviii. 24. After dinner our Captaine began 
the King's health, and fyred 1 1 gunns ; the Provi- 
dence 9 ; the Martin 7 : the Alopeenes give us wines 
galloore. And much about sunn setting wee see som 
part of the iland of Cyprus. 

30 And to day at sunn setting wee weather Cape 
Andrea. 

3 1 The Alopeenes feasted aboard the Martin, and were 
entertayned with abundance of gunns at the drink- 
ing of healths. At 9 a clock a crickett sang very 
merrily in the foote of our mizon, and was also heard 
a little the night before ; there was also a death- 
watch heard in the gunn roome. T)eiis vortat bene I 

June 1 Betweene II and 12 the sunn was so much 
eclypsed that wee can see plain ely on star closse by 



JUNE 1676. 188 

the sunn shine very bright ; and just at that time 
wee com to an anchor in Saline Roads. 

2 Our Captaine and Alopeenes all dyne ashoare at 
the English ConsuU's house at Larneca, where they 
stay all night, but our Captaine returnes to the shipp. 

3 Nothing but drinking healths to our friends in good 
Cyprus wine. 

(4) I preacht a sermon : To love our enemys. 
5 I goe on shoare to buy wine to carry (God willing) 
into England ; and I dined at our Consull's at Larneca. 
6 7 Boath days of great e myrth. 
8 Mr. John Fogg's byrth day, and wee keepe it full 
merily. 
10 My wedding day, and wee keepe this after the 

same manner. 
(11) No sermon ; wee had this day cam in to us, to our 
greate joy, the Dartmouth and the Gynny, which wee 
left at Scanderoond. This is Mr. James Hodgson's 
wedding day, and wee keepe it merily. 

12 Woonderfull hot weather, yet wee drink Cyprus 
wine. 

1 3 Grande festo on board our ship to day, for all the 
Franks on shoare ; and made by our Alopeenes. At 
7 this evening wee get up on anchor, to make ready 
for sayling in the morning. 

14 By 4 in the morning wee are under sayle. And 
then wee part with Mr. Robinson and Mr. Pye ; 
whoe goe from Cyprus to Stambole ; and were saluted 
by aU our ships as they passed back. 

1 5 Wee are as far as the light house, on Cape Tygta. 

16 .Wee are got forwards about 6 leages ; and discover 



JUNE 1676. 189 

3 sa} les under the shoare ; the headmost stood cleare 
off, the other 2 stayd to vew us ; and put out the 
Maltees colours, and past by Us. 

1 7 The wind is crosse. A ship called the Beare cam 
downe the wind upon us. The master's name was 
Mr. Williams, of Deale ; whoe cam from Lygorne 
highther in 1 7 days ; bound for Scanderoond. 

(18) I preacht a sermon — Which art in Heaven. Wee 
are with much adoe past Cape de Gatt ; and are 
there calmed. 

19 Wee are got at least on-wards 7 leages. A fine 
slant breeze. 

20 Farewell to Cyprus, for wee can not see any part 
of it. 

21 Wee goe slowly on. 

22 Grande Festo by our Alopeenes. 

23 A crosse wind. 

24 And so still ; driveing us towards Egypt. 
(25) Only prayers. Our Captaine and Alopeenes dine 

on board the Dartmouth. 

26 The Alopeenes give the seamen a punchin of wine ; 
and to the gentlemen and officers 2 sheepe, 2 goates, 
and a punchin of wine. And tis myrth enough to 
see the severall kinds of vessells the sea men bring 
to carry away their wine with all. 

27 . This morning wee see the Egyptian shoare all 
alonge ; and it is that part of Egypt which is called 
Numidia, viz. the place of Jupiter-Hammon, the 
greate Oracle. 

And now give mee leave to forget our voyage a 
while, and give a small historical! discource of Egypt, 



JUNE 1676. 190 

and the parts adjacent ; haveing brought you before 
alonge the Mediterranean to Egypt. 

Egypt lys west from Arabia. The Holy Land 
and Arabia beinge joyned together in terra jirma ; 
and so likewise Egypt and the Holy Land are joyned 
together in terra jirma by an isthmos, or neck of 
land. So that it is dubious to say, whether that 
neck of land bee Arabia, Palestina, or Egypt : how 
ever it be, yet it is plaine that these 3, viz. Arabia, 
Palestina, and Egypt, are all in terra jirma; and 
the greate bay called Synus Arabicus, or the Red 
Sea, lyeth on the west part of Arabia, and betweene 
Arabia and Egypt. 

This I note to confute a vulgar error amonge 
many, concirning the Israelits passing through the 
Red Sea. 

Tis true that they passed through the Red Sea; 
that is, they crossed that bay, called Synus Arabicus, 
from before Pyharioth, to the wildernes of Ethan in 
Arabia. As Numb, xxxiii. 8 ; and so also Exod, 
XV. 22. Som understand that they went crosse the 
maine sea, and cam out on the cleane contrary syd 
againe ; when as they went in, as I may say, on this 
syd of the bay, and only went crosse the bay, which is 
taken to be 50 miles ; and cam out on the sam syd 
againe which they went in at, though far from the 
same place. ^^ 

*'^ Whiston, in his notes to an early edition of Josephus^, cites 
Roland for the following account of the passage of the Red Sea : 
— '' A traveller, whose name was Eneman, upon his return from 
Egypt, told me that he went the same way from Egypt to Mount 



JUNE 1G7G. 



191 



That Arabia, Palestina, and Egypt are in terra 

firma is apparent, though som would have the river 

Jordan to part Arabia from the Holy Land ; but 

Sinai which he supposed the Israelites of old traveUed, and that 
he found several mountainous tracts that ran down towards the 
R^d Sea, as he delineated them to me (see A. B. C.) 



i>KZ 



Ara Ifiii 




'^ He thought the Israelites had proceeded as far as the Desart 
of Etham (Exod. viii. 20,) when they were commanded to turn 
back (Exod. xiv. 2,) and to pitch their camp between Migdol 
and the sea ; and that when they were not able to fly unless by 
sea, they were in the place here denoted by the letter B, where 
they were shut in on each side by mountains, and that on the 
part where stands D was the army of Pharaoh. He also thought 
we might evidently learn hence, how it might be said that the 
Israelites were in Etham before they went over the sea, and'yet 
came into Etham after they had passed over the sea also." — 
'* What has been objected against the passage of the Israelites 



JUNE 1676. 192 

part of the Holy Land lyeth betweene the deserts of 
Arabia and the river Jordan, viz. the inheritance of 
the try be of Ruben, Gad, and the halfe tribe of Ma- 
nasseth, which was neare Jerico, and stood full east. 

This country of Egypt did yield abundance of 
corne ; so that it was tearmed (as also was Cycillia) 
Horreum populi Romani. Tis very rare to have 
any raine fall there ; therefore was it so much the 
more terrible to have raine, hayle, and thunder 
and lightening running on the ground. 

There is usually a mist in som seasons of the yeare, 
leaving a small dew on the earth ; but tis watered by 
the river Nylus, which ariseth in Prestar John's coun- 
try, which lyeth in the north-east part of Africa. 

This river at certayne seasons of the yeare doth 
overflow the whole country of Egypt, excepting som 
few risings, on which their townes and cyttys for 
the most part are built. And doth so thoroughly 
water the earth, and also manure or inrich it, that it 
brings forth fruite abundantly. 

There are posts sett in severall convenient places 
to observe how high the waters doe rise. And tis 
observed, that if they overflow in ordinary places 
above 17 cubits, then tis too much ; if under 1 5, the 
moysture will not be sufficient : eyther of these is 

over the Red Sea in one nighty, from the common maps^ viz. that 
this sea being here about thirty miles broad^, so great an army 
could not pass over it in so short a time, is founded upon a great 
mistake. Thevenot informs us from actual survey that this sea, 
for about five days' journey, is no where more than eight or nine 
miles over cross, and in one place but four or five miles. See 
Delisle's Map." — Whiston's Josephus, b. ii. pp. 62. 64. 



JUNE 1676. 193 

prejudiciall. The overflowing of this river, and at 
such seasons yearly, is on of the woonders of the 
world : severall probable conjectures have bene 
made at the reason of it, but the most probable may 
be this : — There is in Prestar John's country (as som 
doe affirm) the head or riseing of this river, (though 
others strive to fetch it from the Lake Zembre, which 
lyes farther south,) neare to the which are those hills 
called Lun(E Monies, on the which falls abundance 
of snow. At the melting of the which, and to pre- 
vent the too violent course of the waters, especially 
at that time, the inhabitants have made severall 
damms, and sluces, and ponds to catch the water in, 
partly for their owne convenience, to turne it to the 
watering of their owne hilly grounds leasurly ; which 
would otherwise by a violent course runn from them 
hastily, and doe no good : and by this means also 
the waters com leasurely downe to Egypt. For the 
maintenance of which damms and sluces, the country 
of Egypt have (time out of mind) payd yearely a 
greate trybute to Prestar John ; which payment being 
not longe since detayned by the greate Turk, as an 
unnecessary charge, and as an imposition for which 
they could give no reason, Prestar John gave com- 
maund to cutt all the damms and sluces, which pre- 
sently drowned all the land of Egypt, or greate part 
of it, for 3 yeares : so that the Turk was forced to 
begg his peace with Prestar John, and give not only 
the old tribute, but a greate summ of monys also 
more for the repayre of the damms and sluces. 

o 



JUNE 1676. 104 

Here learning, especially the mathematicks and 
astronomy, have beene very ancient. 

And in these plaines are those miraculouse Py ra- 
ni idds, built by som of their Princes (whoe were 
usually buryed under them), of the which 3 remaine 
to this day. And here are those artists for imbalm- 
ing of dead bodys, by which meanes the flesh, and 
skin, and colour will remaine many hundreds of 
yeares uncorrupted ; of which wee have dayly ex- 
perience by bodys and parts brought from thence by 
merchants. 

Here stands Memphis, on of the most eminent 
cyttys of the East, but now called Grand Cay re ; 
unto the which on of the haven townes is Alex- 
andrya, a cytty famous for merchandize, of which 
Ammianus Marcellinus says, that it hath scarce ever 
beene knowne but that once in the day the sunn 
hath shined over Alexandria. Here live many 
Christians, paying a yearly tribute to the Turk, 
under whose dominion all Egypt is. 

Som have attempted to digg through that neck of 
land into the Red Sea, but have bin forced to for- 
beare, haveing considered that the sea would not 
only alter the waters of Nylus, but also drowne all 
Egypt, the sea lying 3 cubitts higher. 

The river Nylus is sayd to part Asya from Africa, 
and that river lyes neare the middle of Egypt; 
so that the country of Egypt is partly in Asia, 
and partly in Africa : of which I shall speake her- 
after. 
28 29 30 These 3 days wee sayled ; yet wee see no land. 



JULY 167G, 195 

July 1 No land yet ; but wee drink healths to our friends 
in England. 
(2) I preacht a sermon of Faith, Hope, and Charity, 
from these words — Our Father, which art in 
Heaven. 

3 No land yet to be seene ; and the wind is crosse. 

4 Our Alopeenes dined on board the Providence ; 
and now wee see Candia, and are joyfuU. 

5 By sunn setting wee have passed the east end of 
Candia. 

6 Little wind this day ; and wee are neare the iland 
Crispiana, but there calmed ; and driven back by the 
current above halfe of the way to Scarpanta. 

7 8 Crosse winds. 
(9) I preacht a sermon — Hallowed be thy name. 
Wee see 3 shipps under the shoare, which wee take 
to be Maltees. 
10 11 12 The wind crosse and very high all these days. 
Wee left Candia the last night ; hopeing to see it no 
more this voyage. 

13 A fayre wind now, if it will but holde ; and our 
Alopeenes doe dine on board the Martin. 

14 The wind bad againe, 

1 5 But somwhat better to day. 

(16) I preacht a sermon—Hallowed be thy name. 
3 7 18 19 20 But a bare wind aU this while. 

21 Bad stUl. At 10 a clock a greate storme was a 
head of us, but it did not reach us. Three greate 
spoutes fall in our sight, on to windward of us, and 
2 to leeward; and brought us a fayre wind, but it 
did not holde above an houre at moast. 

o 2 



JULY 1676. 196 

22 The last night the Providence left us, and went 
more north. 

(23) This morning wee are under Goza. And when 
wee thought wee had beene at the west end, it proved 
that wee were at the east end, of the iland of Malta. 
No sermon, but prayrs. At 8 at night wee com to an 
anchor in Malta roads, and just before the mouth of 
the harbour ; and wee heare that not any have dyed 
there of the plague for 3 weekes. Som say the num- 
ber that dyed was 1 2,000 at the least. Here wee 
heare of som of our marchants taken by the Arge- 
reenes for want of a passe, which wee feare may 
stay our ship here. 

24 Wee fetch water, and haste away ; for here is 
nothing to be had but som garden stuff; and the 
people are very thin, being almost aU destroyed by 
the plague. It hath also raged very much at Try- 
poly; and at Tunnis there have dyed 200,000 and 
upwards. 

25 At 10 this morning wee are under sayle ; and, God 
willing, for fayre England. Boone voyagio ! our ship 
is very leakey. Wee discover a ship eastward, and 
boare towards, supposing shee was what wee found 
her, viz. the Providence, which left us as wee sup- 
posed willingly on Fryday night ; but he says noe. 
On Munday last, at Malta, was a man hanged for 
stealing goods out of the houses of the dead, and 
selling them in towne ; and a ship burnt that was 
so much infected, that whosoever cam in her dyed 
with in two bowers. 



JULY IG7G. 197 

26 27 So callmed and driven back, that wee are not 3 
leages from Malta. 
28 Wee tow our ships, for feare of being driven a 
shoare on Goza. 
29 (30) All calme. I preacht a sermon— Hallowed be thy 
name. A shark caught by the men of the Martin 
9 foote longe. 
3 1 From 8 last night to 8 this mome we have runn 7 
leages. 

Aug. 1 This morning wee see Cycillia, and should have 
seene it long before, had it not beene hazy weather. 
Wee see a lusty ship, by the shoare, but know not 
what she is. 
2 The Dartmouth is ordered to beare downe to see 
what ship shee is, and finds her to be an English ship, 
the Thomas and Frauncis ; the commander Captaine 
FaulstafF, and coms from Smyrna : and before they 
could com up to us, wee discover 5 sayle a head of 
us. Wee make a cleare ship ; and all things are 
ready for a battell. At 4 a clock they com neare us, 
and wee see them to be French men, 4 men of warr 
and a sattee. The Admirall sends his pinnace to 
salute us, and asks us if we wanted any thing : 
our Captaine sayd he wanted nothing that he would 
be beholding to such rogues as they were for. The 
gentleman that cam was an English man, whoe de- 
syred our Captaine not to take it ill, for that they had 
order from the French King to furnish the English 
with whatsoever they wanted: our Captaine gave 
them thanks, and sayd he wanted nothing. And so 



AUGUST 1676. 108 

wee parted. It was at the west end of Cycillia, 
closse by a cytty called Mazazan. 

3 Wee have left Cycillia, and see Pantalarya. Greate 
lightenings. At 10 at night Captaine Harman left 
ns, nolens volens ; at whom our Captayne command- 
ed 2 giinns to be fyred from our ship, and 4 from 
the Dartmouth ; but did him no hurt. 

4 Wee have runn the last night 7 leages ; and at 
night wee have passed by the first of the maretine 
ilands, called Maretimo ; and are very neare the 
larbees, certayne rocks that lye neare the topp of the 
water, and are discoverable only by the breakeings ; 
ergo, is sayd to be the most dangerous place in the 
Straits. Our Alopeenes went on board the Tho. and 
Francis this afternoone, and had noble entertayn- 
ment ; and at their coming off were saluted with 7 
gunns to on boate, and 5 to the other. 

5 Wee have a small gale ; and goe on, as lav/yers 
doe, to Heaven. 

(6) I preacht a sermon on the old text ; all, almost all 
in our ship, gentle and smiple, have got the Turkish 
riff. 

7 Wee see a greate part of Sardinia ; and at night 
are under the iland of Callary, standing very high. 

8 Much myrth last night in boules of punch ; and 
little wind. 

9 All calmed all this day, till in the evening a small 
gale„ 

1 Wee are closse under Monte Christo, a high rock 
in the sea ; and suddenly wee have lUbay or Lillbow 
on our starboard syde, and have another flatt iland 



AUGUST 1676. 199 

on our larboard, called Planosa. This day our noble 
Alopeenes did make grande festo for all the gentlemen 
in our squadron, where wee had a noble Venetian 
belonging to the Thomas and Francis, whoe brought 
with him from Smyrna a Greeke lady, at a vast 
charge to him ; and made us happy with her com- 
pany- at our ship at dinner. Shee was woondrous 
rich in habite, and counted the beauty of the Le- 
vant ; but I have scene far handsomer in England 
amonge our milk-may ds. Tis calme all this night. 

1 1 This morning wee leave Corsica and Caparero 
boath on our larboard syd, and can discover the 
maine land of Italy. 

1 2 Wee can now see Lygorne, so much longed for ; 
at 2 a clock wee have the Malora on our larboard 
syd ; and at 3 wee com to anchor in Lygorne roade, 
where wee finde 6 more English shipps, and 3 
French, The English all salute us, and wee answer 
accordingly. Here wee aU expect letters from Eng- 
land, but find non. 

(13) No prayers to day ; nor like to have prattick ; yet 
they teU us that to morrow wee shall have provisions 
off. The Lady Clutterbug hath sent us presents, 
and Florence wines, beife, mutton, and salletts, and 
all manner of fruits, which are here very good. 
] 4 Wee fetch water ; and wee heare of the Argereenes 
securing many of our merchant shipps, thinking no 
lesse but that it will prove a warr. 
15 More water and provisions com a board; but the 
Lygornees are unkind to us. Things are too deare 
to be bought here. 



AUGUST 1676. 200 

16 Bread and beverage wine brought on board to 
day. 

17 At 6 this morning (many salutes haveing past on 
all syds) wee are under sayle : and haveing past the 
Malora, viz. a small rock lying in the roade, and but 
a little apparent, wee lye by, and stay for our pin- 
nace. At 2 a clock cam 2 Argereenes neare us,^ 
within 3 leages of Lygorne, and presently tack from 
us againe. 

1 8 Calme all night ; and so also to day. About 1 1 
of the clock cam neare us 5 gallys ; and on more 
about 3 leages a starne. When wee had put abroade 
our colours they (being Genoeeses) sent their boate 
to enquire after the Argereenes, which were neare us 
the last night ; and haveing received our informa- 
tion, they left us, and stood toward the shoare. 
Twas just by the iland called Gorgony» 

1 9 Little wind ; yet wee are overagainst the head 
Cape of Corsico. At 4 our Captaine and Alopeenes 
went aboard the Tartar, which is to carry them over^ 

> to serenade and make merry. 

(20) I preacht a sermon — Hallowed be thy name. 
Wee mett the Unity to day. And now wee are 
entring the Gulph of Lyons, which is at least 370 
leages over. God send us well over it ! 

2 J This morning wee are closse under the iles of 
Aries. At halfe an houre after 9 our noble Alopeenes 
departed from us. Wee gave them 9 gunns ; the 
Dartmouth 7 ; the Martin 9. They saluted us with 
all their petarreroes severall times over. Their good 
company will be much mist aboard our ship. They 



AUGUST 1676. 201 

are for Marcelles ; and will be there this night. No 
sooner doe wee part with our Alopeenes, but wee 
discover 8 sayls coming towards us from the shoare ; 
which w^ee soone discover to be Argereene men of 
warr. Now wee make all things ready, thinking no 
lesse but that they would fight us. But when wee 
cam somthing neare them, their Admirall sent his 
boat to us, and commands us on aboard to give him 
account what wee were, and whither bound. Our 
Captaine, being very angry at such a message, com- 
maunds to runn out all our gunns ; but the Argereenes, 
not well likeing that sight, tackt from us as fast as 
they could. They tooke a Venetian of 36 gunns 
this morning. 

22 Wee have no wind, and a troublesom rowling sea. 
At 10 cam a small gale ; wee corke up our port- 
holes, and our starboard syd. And when wee thought 
to have crossed this dangerouse gulph without any 
trouble, in the evening arose 2 small clouds in the 
north, which were cole black, and in lesse then 
haMe an houres time overspread all the heavens in 
sight ; and brought such a vehement wind with them, 
that wee were forced to loare all our yards, and splitt 
our maine-sayle; in which trouble PhynnyShreusbury 
brake his legg betweene the maine-mast and mayne- 
yard ; and Roger Lyswell fell from the mayne-yard 
upon a gunn, being much bruised. 

23 This storme continues all this day. At 5 at night, 
being forced to run before the wind, and out of our 
right course, wee cam by Min-yorke, and closse 
under Porte Mahone, where wee ly by, for the Dart- 



AUGUST 1676. 202 

mouth and Martin. The first cam presently, the 
other at 9 a clock. 

24 Bartlemew Day, and wee have a brave gale, and 
wee past the Caparero. 

25 Still a fine gale to bring us to England sooner then 
wee expected. 

26 This morning past Cape Snt. Paule. At night 
against Cape Degatt. 

(27) I preacht a sermon — ^Thy Kingdom com. Wee 
have a true Levant wind, which brings us on apace. 
Wee have past the Granatho Hills ; and at 3 a clock 
past Maligo. 
28 Now are wee under Guybralter, or Gyblitore. At 
6 at night wee com to an anchor in Tangeare Roade, 
and salute the towne with 9 gunns, whoe salute us 
againe with as many from the Mole. And here wee 
are soone informed of the Argereenes takeing of the 
Gynn}'- and the Quaker catch, whose losse was much 
lamented. 

And now haveing left the Mediterranean, give 
mee leave to returne to Egypt, where I left, and give 
a small relation of Africa. 

Africa, the 3d part of the world, lyeth west from 
Egypt ; which extends itselfe from thence to Caput 
Bonce Spei and to the Hill Atlas in the west ; and 
is divided into severall countrys. 

Cyrene, or Africa Minor, lyes next to Egypt, 
where stood that famous oracle, called Jupiter Ham- 
mon ; all the country where this Oracle stood being a 
wilderness. Where Alexander marching with his army, 
for 4 days space found neyther grasse, tree, water^ 



AUGUST 167G. 203 

man, bii'd, nor beast, but a deepe sand. This is now 
tearmed a part of Egypt. And from hence to Her- 
cules Pillar is called Barbary, though it contayn se- 
verall kingdoms. And from hence to Trypoly is the 
King of Try poly 's jurisdiction ; for which he is a 
tributary to the greate Turke. 

The cytty of Trypoly stands in a fruitful! plaine ; 
yet one part of the towne climbs up to the top of a 
round hill, haveing a stronge wall about it ; and is 
in compas much about 2 miles, the wall being fur- 
nished with severall peices of cannon. Their har- 
bour is very secure, haveing but on passage leading 
into it, and that very narrow, and as it were a lane 
hemd in with severall black rocks on the right hand, 
and the shoare on the left ; up the which you com 
neare 2 miles before you be in the harbour. And 
just at the entrance into this narrow passage was 
built, while wee lay against the cytty, a stronge fort, 
of at least 20 gunns, to secure the passage. The 
liarbour is very large when you are com into it. On 
the left hand stands a stronge castle, just before you 
the cytty wall ; and on the right hand an exceeding 
_ stronge fortification, which they call the Mandrake, 
which is built round of it selfe ; and a wall with 
battlements on each syde runninge from it to the 
towne; and as full of gunns as it can ly. The 
towne all built of stone; the houses but low, no 
glasse windows. The plague was so much in it, 
that I went not a-shoare. Their country round 
about seems to be very fruitful! ; where they have 
2 cropps of wheate every yeare, of once sowing. 



AUGUST 1676. 204 

Abundance of dates and other fruits, musk mellons, 
water mellons, infinite of all garden stuff ; and much 
plenty of beife, mutton, and all manner of poultery, 
and other provisions. 

Mauritania Caesariensis lys next. In this country 
stod that famous cytty, Carthage ; supposed to be 
built by Queene Dido, whoe cam from Tyrus. Som 
peices of towers and walls remaine to this day ; and 
also part of Queene Dido's tombe is standing upon a 
rise neare the sea. And severall foundations and 
peices of walls are to be seene as you row in a boate 
to goe in to Tunnis. And there are several vaults 
under ground, wherin people now live, which were 
part of Carthage. Greate warrs were betweene the 
Romans and Carthaginians for the priority ; but at 
the last the Romans (at the earnest desyre of Cato, 
whoe pleading, concluded allways thus, T>elenda est 
Carthago I) rased it to the ground, fearing such a 
powerfuU neighbour. More west stands Utica, and 
Hyppo, where Snt. Augustine was bishop= This 
whole country is called the kingdom of Tunnis, which 
is also, as well as Trypoly, stipendiary to the Turke. 
Mauritania Tingitana lyes more west still, and by 
the Mediterranean ; and so called from Tangeare, the 
cheife cytty there ; but som will have it not to stand 
where Tangeare now stands, but on the other syd of 
the bay. The people of this country are those which 
in all olde historys are called Moores. 

And at the Straites of Guybralter or Gibbettore, 
called the Straits-mouth, did Hercules sett up his 
Pillars ; on upon the Barbarian, the other on the 



AUGUST 1G7G. 205 

Spanish shoare ; opposite the on to the other. Ergo, 
these seas were called of olde Freta Herculea. 

In the west part of this country stands the hill 
called Atlas Minor, and in the south, Atlas Major ; 
which for its height is sayd to carry Heaven on his 
shoulders. 

Here is the kingdom of Fez, lying towards the 
Mediterranean ; and the kingdom of Morocco on the 
other syde. These are boath Saracens, and so are 
their people : they hold leage with the Turke, and 
som Christian Princes, only for trafick. 

In the south parts of Africa is scarce any thing 
remarkable, save that there are men and beasts of 
strange shapes ; as, som men with heads like doggs 
or hoggs, som with no head; som with only one 
large legg and foote ; as there are the same strange 
shapes in the north parts of Europe and Asya.^^ 

^^ The following passages, extracted from a small volume in 
the library of the British Museum, published in 1664, entitled 
^^ A Description of Tangier and of the Kingdoms of Fez and 
Morocco," may, in some measure, countenance the worthy Chap- 
lain's assertion with regard to the existence of these nondescript 
inhabitants of Africa. The work is apparently written with 
earnestness, and upon the title-page it is described as a transla- 
tion from the Spanish, and published by authority. 

After some prefatory remarks to the second section, which 
comprises the natural history of the country, it proceeds thus: 

" 1. Here are placed the Cynocephali, that have heads like 
dogs, snouts like swine, and ears like horses. 

" 2. Here are the Sciapodes, that have such a broad foot, and 
but one, that they cover their heads from the heat of the sun 
and the violence of the showers, by lifting this up over them. 

" 3. Here are the Giimnosophantes, that go naked and fear 
nothing so much as a clothed man, being ignorant of the use of 



AUGUST 1676. 206 

Beyond Morocco is Gynny, whose cheife mer- 
chandize is gold and elephants' teeth, of which there 
is greate plenty. 

More south lyeth the kingdom called Mani-Congo ; 
and more south, so far as 1 degrees beyond the tropick 
of Capricorne, is the land's end ; being a promontory, 
and called by Vascus Gam a, who first found it out, 
Caput BoncE Spei. He was a Portugall, and named 
this place so, in hopes that the land might there 
turne to the north, and so it did; and following that 
course he found the way to the East-Indys. You 
may read more of this country in Osoryus, and Petrus 
Maffaeus. 

In the land of Africa lyeth that large country of 
Prestar John, or Presbiter John, or Pretiosus Jho- 
hannes ; his country strechinge east to part of the 
Red Sea ; on the north to Egypt ; on the south to 
Mani-Congo. He is not only an absolute Prince, but 

weapons, and one being able without a miracle to chase a 
thousand of them. 

" 4. Here are the BlemmicBj men that walk without heads, 
having their eyes and mouths in their breasts. 

"^ 5. Here are the Egipans, that have only the bodies of men, 
sometimes inade up of the necks and heads of horses^, mules, asses, 
&c. and;, 

" 6. That this part of Africa may have its share in the saying 
' Semper aliquid Afyica portat nova,' '^ Africa is always teeming 
with some new monster,' the other day^ not far from Tangier, was 
to be seen a child with an eagle's bill^, claws and feathers^ &c."— 
Description of Tangier, sec. ii. p 49. 

In the Museum Catalogue this work is ascribed to the 
Rev. Lancelot Addison, author of " Observations upon West 
Barbary," &c. ; but his name does not appear throughout the 
!x)ok. 



AUGUST IG7G. 207 

hath also a prelaticall jurisdiction over them. They 
are all Christians, and it is thought have continued 
so ever since our Saviour Christ's time ; and were 
converted first by the Chamberlaine of Candace the 
Queene of ^Ethiopia, whoe was instructed concerning 
Christ by Phillip the Evangelist : Acts viii. 

They owe no superiority to the Bishop of Rome, 
yet they differ from the Western Church in many 
things. They still retaine circumcision, which the 
Jews held in that time when Phillip instructed him; 
and probably it was because PhilHp was soone taken 
from him, and he had no farther instruction from 
any on as wee reade in Scripture of, but was only 
baptised, therefore was left imperfect in other cere- 
monys of the church. 

In this country ariseth the river Nigar, so famous; 
it is thought to have in it the most and best precious 
stones in the world; which riseth from the Lake 
Zembre, cominge from the mount. From which place 
also ariseth the river of Zayre, running westward ; 
and Zuanca, running towards the south ; and Nylus 
towards the north ; and Nigar running partly east ; 
which river, haveing runn a certaine space from this 
lake, runns into the earth as it were at a greate 
mouth, and runneth unseene under part of the earth 
for 60 miles space, and then rising againe maks a 
greate river. 

There are also severall other countrys in Africa, 
wherein are men and beasts of strange shapes, vere- 
fying the ancient saying ; — Africa semper aliquid 
novi affert : and the reason is easily given ; for. 



AUGUST 1676. 208 ^^tdi iiia 

there being but few watering-places, and the country 
hott, and all manner of cattell meetinge at those 
places, doe many times couple with beasts of another 
kinde ; and thence proceeds a new species, haveing 
part of the on, and part of the other. And now 
haveing no more land to speake of, I shall returne 
back to Tangeare, where I left our ship. 

29 This day wee take in fresh water, and corke our 
ship, haveing nothing else to doe ; for wee have no 
prattick, which wee take ill from EngHsh men. 

30 By 4 this morning wee are under sayle, and for 
Gales. As wee goe wee vew the coasts of Spaine, 
and have a fayre prospect of the cytty Medina. At 
6 wee com to anchor in the Bay of Bulls, before 
Cales ; and find there the Yarmouth and Swan, 
bound for the Straits. 

3 1 Here wee are also denyed prattick ; they will re- 
ceive nothing from us, nor let us have any thing 
from them. So wee shall have no wine. At 5 in 
the afternoone wee are under sayle, but wee stay for 

> our pinnace, which cam not till 7 ; then wee sayle 

for England. 
Sept. 1 Next dore to a calme : and for feare of foule 

weather, and also to ease our ship that is so leakey, 

wee strike 14 of our gunns into the hole. 
2 Now entering on the coasts of Portugall ; but tis 

very hazy weather. 
(3) I preacht on the old text : and wee can see no 

land as yet. 
4 The wind is crosse to our course, though it blowe 

fresh. 



SEPTEMBER 1G76. 209 

5 The wind is altered, and wee steare N. W. and by 
North : a good course. 

6 A very troublesom rowling sea : cold weather, and 
som raine. 

7 As bad weather this day. 

8 Fay re weather ; wee mend old sayles. 

9 Such another day : yet no land to be seene. 

(10) Wee discover a small ship, and bore downe to 
her ; and found her to be an EngUsh ship, from Mar^ 
celles, bound for London. Tis blustering weather. 
Wee have prayers ; no sermon. 

1 1 The same cold weather ; the wind crosse, and 
stormy. 

12 Wee steare W. N. W. and the farther wee goe, 
the farther wee are from England. At 3 wee tack 
and stand E. N. E. 

13 A crosse wind still ; and begins to be stormy, and 
colde. 

14 Stormy weather, and raine; a sad tempestuous 

15 night. A dangerouse leakey shipp. And as bad, or 
worse, to-day. 

1 6 Raine, and very stormy ; and the seas runn very 
high. At 6 in the afternoone the storm spUtt our 
fore-sayle all into bitts, and very much rent our new 
maine-sayle. Wee tooke in that, and bent another 
maine-sayle, which was no sooner spread, but rent ; 
so that wee were forced to lye under a mizon all that 
cruell night. The wind grew more stronge, and the 
seas more furiouse ; and our companions wee saw 
neare us, but can see them no more. Now wee ship 
severall seas ; our men are all tyred with pumping 

p 



SEPTEMBER 1676. 210 

and bayling. And wee expect every sea to breake 
our ship in peices. 
(17) About 4 in the morning the seas groe far more 
outragious, and breake clearly over our quarter 
deck ; drive our hen-cubbs (coops) over-board ; and 
washed on of our seamen cleane off the crotchett-yard. 
A second sea cam, and threw downe all our boomes ; 
brake boath pinnace, and longe boate, on the decks. 
Athird cam,andflung our anchor off the ship syd, flung 
the bell out of his place, brake off the carving, and 
puUd 2 planks a sunder in the midst of the ship, be- 
tweene decks, and just against the pump. Our fore- 
castle was broake all downe longe before. Now the 
men are all dishartened, and all expect nothing but 
the losse of ship and life. Our larboard gunnhill all 
broake up, a whole planke almost out betweene decks; 
men swimming about in the wast of the ship ; and 
greate seas often breaking over us. I never saw such 
a Sunday, and I hope shall never forget to give God 
thanks for this day's deliverance ; for it was a 
miracle that ever wee escaped. At last our Captaine 
and the rest, consulting, made a shift to put up a 
small fore-sayle, and put the ship before the wind. 
Many greate seas breake over us all this night, and 
wee have little hopes of any safty yet. 

18 As bad still, and wee are glad wee can put our 
ship before the wind to com to any port ; but wee 
strive for Lysbon in Portugall. God send us safe in 
any port ! for our ship is miserably shaken, and our 
men all tyred off their leggs, and much dishartened. 

19 Somwhat more calme wind and seas. At 10 a 



SEPTEMBER 1676. 211 

clock wee discover a ship coming before the wind 
after us. Wee were all very busy on board, som re- 
pareinge our boats, which were boath broaken upon 
the decks, others drying their cloaths and beddinge, 
for all things were wett; whilst of a sudden this 
ship was up with us, and also as wee supposed ready 
to board us. Wee discover her to be a Turkish man 
of warr : wee were in a poore condition to fight, 
our ship being ready to sink under us, and hadd 
certaynly done so in an houre's time, if she had not 
beene pumped. Wee all leave our buisnes wee were 
about, and make ready what greate gunns wee could, 
in that short time, and every on that could tooke up 
a muskett. Shee proved an Argereene, and tooke 
us for a Portugall : wee hayle her ; and their boate 
coming on board shewed her passe. The leiftenant 
that cam was an English renegado, whoe told us 
they did not suspect us to be English, but that they 
cam up so boldly, intending to lay us on board; 
but once seeing the syd of our ship, they wisht 
themselves farther from us. They had 400 men 
aboard. At sunn setting, to our greate joy, wee see 
the Rock of Lysbone. 
20 By 8 in the morning wee com to the Rock ; and at 
10 wee take in a pylate ; at 12 wee passe betweene 
Snt. Jenning's castle and the woodden fort (as it 
was formerly, but now tis great part of it of stone) ; 
and about 1 of the clock wee com to an anchor in 
the river Tagus, and just over against the religious 
house, for wee must com no farther till wee have 
leave. Here wee meete with part of the Ham- 

p 2 



&i:ptember 1676.. 212 

burgers fleete (for they had lost 5 of their company 
in the same storme on Satterday): the Admyrall 
gave us 1 5 gunns, at severall times, resolving to give 
us the last gunn, and our Captaine knowing his 
humor gave him 13. 

And here wee hoped to have mett or heard of 
our companions, the Dartmouth, Martin, and another 
small ship that cam into our company from Mar- 
celles ; but wee heare nothing at all of any of them, 
so that wee feare they are all lost. 

21 A summars day ; and fitt for our purpose to puU 
ocum and dry our sayles. 

22 Instead of haveing leave given us to mend our 
tottered ship, wee have commaund brought us to be 
gon speedily out of their haven: which wee cannot 
doe, for all our gunns and stores are carryed to the 
hinder part of the ship ; that by lifting up the fore- 
part, wee might the better com at the maine leake. 
But all in vaine ; there is no coming to it. At 3 a 
clock word is brought that we shall have leave to 
morrow to lay our ship aground. Now the Hambur- 
gers heare of 4 of their lost ships, which were driven 
to Snt. Toobys, and are safe ; so that wee are not 
out of hopes to heare also of our companions. 

23 Fayre weather also to day ; but small hopes of 
mending our ship. 

(24) A sermon this day — ^Thy kingdom com. At 7 at 
night cam the Leiuetenant of the Castle, and the 
Prattick Master, with a message from the Prince 
Regent and the Chamber, to command us to be gon 
out of their port within 24 bowers ; or else wee 



EPTEMBER 1676 213 

must looke to be fyred out, as on of our merchants 
was about a fortnight before.'^ And to afFrite us, 
their Vice AdmiraU of 60 odd gimns corns down and 
anchours very neare us ; yet wee were resolved to 
stay rather then sink in the sea. 

25 Haveing corked and mended our starboard syd as 
well as wee could, wee repayre the larboard syd ; 
hopeing still to be brought in her safe to England ; 
but can by no meanes stop the maine leake. But 
our carpenters nayle on sheets of leade, and clapt in 
greate peices of tymber to strengthen her larboard 
quarter, which was much shaken. This day the 
pigions I gave to Mr. Berry flew away, about 4 of 
the clock. 

23 This day wee putt up new shrouds, and sling our 
yards, to prevent the worst ; resolveing to answer 
their Vice Admii^aU in the same coyne, in case that 
he fyre at us. Latet anguis in herba. Who knows 
what he may doe ? 

'° The historians of the period do not throw any light upon 
this behaviour of the Regency of Portugal towards the English ; 
unless, indeed, it arose from the disgust the Portuguese had very 
naturally conceived for the English nation altogether^ on account 
of its treatment of the Queen of Charles 11. the sister of their late 
sovereign. This Princess was neglected by Charles, and disliked 
by his subjects ; and the unpardonable insult offered to her by 
Oates, who denounced her to the King as privy to, and even 
an encourager of, a design to poison him, by means of her phy- 
sician, Sir George VVakeman, and for which the incendiary was 
suffered to go unpunished, (though the King, himself, knew the 
accusation to be utterly false,) was sufficient to provoke the 
angry feelings of a people much less susceptible of insult than 
the Portuguese. There does not, however, appear to have been 
any serious rupture between the two nations at this time. 



SEPTEMBER 1676, 214 

27 At 6 in the afternoone our Captaine salutes our 
English Consull (whoe cam to us from shoare) with 7 
gunns. Wee have no water yet, but are promised 
to have liberty to fetch som ; but must take it for a 
greate favour. Tis bad weather all day, and a tem- 
pestuous night ; tis well wee are in port. 

28 The same weather for wind and raine ; and wee 
can doe nothing at all. 

29 Michaelmas Day ; and wee remember our friends 
in England once more. An English catch and a 
merchant called the William, cam in this morning. 

30 Haveing leave now given us, wee fetch som fresh 
water ; and also 

(Oct. 1) This day too, for all tis Sunday. Wee have prayers, 
but no sermon ; our Captaine being not well. 

2 Wee fetch more water ; and to helpe the ship wee 
strike downe 8 more of our gunns ; hopeing to sayle 
now very shortly. 

3 Wee corke the decks. 

4 Make bucketts to bayle withal at sea, if neede bee. 
5 6 The same woorke boath these days. 

7 By a ship from England wee heare of the safe 
arrivall of our Admirall Sir John Narbrough and his 
fleete at Portchmouth, No newes of our companions. 
Our English Consull supt on board us this night, 
and wee gave him 7 gunns. 
(8) No prayers to day; by 12 wee are under sayle 
once more for England ; God blesse the King's ships ! 
And now wee have pickt up 5 companions, and are 
well off the Rock neare Lisbone. Very ruff wea- 
ther ; clowdy. 



OCTOBER 1676. 215 

9 Cloudy, darke, and rayny weather ; but wee have 
a fayre wind, that s comfort. 

10 The same bad weather, and as crosse a wind. 

1 1 Fayre wind and weather. 

12 A fayre but stronge gale; and wee are entering 
on the dangerous Bay of Biscay. Deus fortunet 
progressurn! 

1 3 The wind still favours us. At two a clock wee 
beare downe to our companions, who are som leages 
a starne. Whoe tooke our ship for an Argereene, 
and were sore afrayd ; but after were glad of our 
company. 

14 Fayre wind and weather on the Bay of Biscay, 
and that 's good newes. 

(15) A fayre day, and a crosse wind. I preacht a ser- 
mon ; the last on that text, 

16 A scant wind. And this day I saw a wood- 
cock and a wrenn on our ship ; and yesterday many 
linnets, though so farr at sea. Why should any man 
be afrayd to goe to sea, when these birds dare 
crosse the Bay of Biscay ? 

Betweene 12 and on of the clock, Summersett 
Evins goeing up the mizon chaines to cleare the pen- 
dent, fell downe, and was drounded. 

A little after 3, all the 4 ships in our company 
give us 5 gunns apeice ; and wee answer them 
with 3 apeice, and so wee part ; and wee make 
what sayle wee can for England. Deus nobiscum 
sit precor I 

1 7 Fayre weather, and the winde so ; but wee feele 
it very cold. 



OCTOBER 1676. 216 

18 Gallant weather, and wee are in the soundmgs. 
The wine given by the noble Alopeenes is divided* 
amonge the sea men only. At 5 a clock wee sound, 
and find 70 fathums. 

19 Wee are very joyful! to see land once more. They 
are the ilands called Syllae, and lye west of Eng- 
land, belonging to the French. 

20 The weather is fay re, but the wind is crosse and 
colde ; and wee see St. Michael's Mount, and other 
parts of Cornwall. 

2 1 Fayre, but cold and hazy ; that wee cannot see 
the land. At 2 wee discover the Lizard poynt ; but 
have a cross wind. 

(22) Raine and much wind, and very turbulent. No 
prayers to day. 

23 We have not got 4 leages forward these 2 days, 

24 Wee strive hard for Famouth ; but cannot gett 
in as yet. 

25 This morning by 8 of the clock wee are at an 
anchor in Famouth Roade, under Pendenice Castle, 

' where wee must take in provision. 

26 I went a shoare to Famouth ; and cam not away 
tiU Satterday 28. Here wee spent all my TurkisTi 
gold, viz. 4 good chekeens. 

(29) Wee had prayers, but no sermon. At 4 wee are 
under sayle ; but not haveing time to get out, wee 
drop our anchor againe. 

30 A fayre day, but very cold. 

31 And so to day. On Arrowsmyth, for lying a shoare 
without leave, was ducked at the yard arme. 



NOVEMBER 1676. 217 

Nov. 1 This morning by 8 wee are going out of the har- 
bour, and with a fay re gale. Nobiscum Dominus! 

2 Wee have had a greate run since wee cam out. 
The weather is very hazy : about 12 wee make 
land, viz. the Fayre Lee ; and at 8 wee cam to an 
anchor in the Downs, where every ship wee cam by 
did bid us hartily welcom, supposing wee had beene 
all drownded. 

3 The wind so violent that wee are forced to loare 
oiu" yards and topmasts. 

4 A fayre gale invits us up the river ; and this morn- 
ing by 7 wee are under sayle ; and saluted by all, as 
wee cam by them ; who before they saw us, gave us 
over for lost longe since. At 10 wee cam to an 
anchor in Marget Roade ; wey againe at 3, and 
anchor at 5 in the Goare. 

(5) Here wee have a sermon ; Psal. Ixii. 3. 

6 No stiring this day. 

7 To day by 8 wee sayle. By 12 at anchor againe 
at Shernesse. Wee salute the fort with 1 1 gunns ; 
they doe the same to us. Here wee are soone visitted 
by many friends, whoe had thought never to see any 
of us againe. 

8 Our Captaine's wife, and our Master's, and Doc- 
tor's, and Carpenter's wives cam all aboard, crying 
for joy to see us, whom they thought lost. 

9 10 Wee have got a pylate aboard, and are got out 
about 3 ; and at 7 are run a ground at Spitt-end. 
Wee are soone off againe, and at anchor at 1 2 in the 
upper end of the Hope, neare Gravesend. 



NOVEMBER 1676. 218 

1 1 Under sayle at 1 0, and at anchor at the Halfeway 
Tree at on a clock. 
(12) No prayers. Half our men are on shoare. 
13 14 Wee get out our gunns, pouder, and shott ; and 
honest Mall Walker, Anne, and John cam to see 
mee, and wee were very merry. 
15 16 Wee com with the tyde to Bedford, and anchor 
closse to the Bangor. 
17 Friday, the 17th of November, wee are payd off 
at Bedford ; where wee leave the rottenest frigot 
that ever cam to England. 

And here our voyage ends. 

Henry Teonge. 

July 25, 1678. 



ARTICLES OF PEACE AND COMMERCE 

Betweene our Soveraine and mighty Prince Charles the 
lid, King of Greate Brittaine, Fraunce, and Ireland, 
Defender of the Christian Faith ; and the Most Il- 
lustrious Haltll Bashaw, Ibraim Dey, and Aga Di- 
van, Governours of the noble cytty and kingdom of 
Tripolie in Barbary: Concluded betweene Sir John Nor- 
B ROUGH, Knight and Admirall of his Majesty's fleete in 
the Mediterranean seas, 1675. 

1. First it is concluded and agreed^, that from this day and for 
ever, there be a true and firme and inviolable Peace betweene 
our Soveraine King Charles the lld King of England^ &c. ; and 
the most illustrious Lords^ the Bashaw, Bey, Divan, Governers of 
the cytty and kingdom of Tripolie, in Barbary ; and betweene 
the dominions and subjects of eyther syde. And that the sub- 
jects and ships or other vessells, and the people of boath syds, 
shall not hence forth doe to each other any harme, offence, or 
injury, ether in word or deede, but shall treate on another with 
all possible respect and friendship. 

2. That any of the ships or other vessels belonging to the 
King of Great Brittaine, or to any of his Majesty's subjects, 
may safly com to the place of Tripolie^ or to any other port or 
place of that kingdome^ or dominions there unto belonging, freely 
to buy or sell, without the least disturbance, paying the usuall 
custom as in former times hath bin payd for such goods as they 
sell ; and for the goods they sell not, they shall have free liberty 
to carry on board their owne ships againe, without paying any 



220 

duty for the said goods. And when they please they shall freely 
depart from thence, without any stop, hinderance, or molesta- 
cion whatsoever. 

3. That all ships and other vessells, as weU those belonging 
to the King of England, or to any of his subjects, as also those 
belonging to the people or kingdom of Trypolie, shall freely 
passe the seas, and traffick where they please, without any 
search, hinderance, or molestacion from each other. And that 
all persons and passengers of what country soever ; and all 
monys, goods, merchandizes, and moveables, to whatsoever place 
or nation belonging, being on board of any of the said ships or 
vessells, shall be wholly free, and shall not be stopped, taken, 
or plundered, or receive any harme or damage whatsoever from 
eyther party. 

4. That the Trypolie ships of warr, or other vessells therunto 
belonging, meeting with any merchant ships or any other vessels 
belonging to the King of Great Brittain's subjects, not being on 
any of the seas of his Majesty's dominions, may send on board 
on single boate, with two sitters besyds the ordinary crue of 
rowers ; and no more but the two sitters only to enter any of the 
said merchant ships or other vessells, without expresse leave of 
every commander of such ships or vessells ; and then upon pro- 
duceing unto them a passe under the hand and seale of the said 
High Admirall of England, the said boate shall presently de- 
part, and the merchant ships or vessells proceede freely on her 
or their voyage. And though the commander or commaundors 
of the said shipps or other vessells produce no passe under the 
hand and seale of the Lord High AdmiraU of England, yet if 
the major part of the vessells company be subjects to the said 
King of England, the said boate shall presently depart, and the 
vessell or vessells shall proceede freely on their voyage. And if 
any of the ships of warr or other vesseUs of his said Majesty, 
meeting with any ship or ships, or any other vessell or vessells 
belonging to Trypolie, if the commaundor there of shall pro- 
duce a passe signed, by the chiefe governours of TrypoHe, and a 
certificate from the English Consull then liveing there ; or if 
they have no such passe or certificate, if the major .part of the 



221 

cwnpany be Turks, IMoores^ or slaves belonging to Trypolie, the 
said ship or vessell shall proceede freely on their voyage without 
any molestacion. 

5. That no commander or other person, or any ship or vessell 
of Trypolie, shall take out of any ship of his said Majesty any 
person or persons whatsoever, to carry them any where to be ex- 
amined, or upon any other pretence ; nor shall use any tortures 
of violence to any person of what quality or nation soever, being 
on board any of his Majesty's ships or vessells, or of any of his 
subjects' ships or vessells, upon any pretence whatsover. 

6. That no shipwrak of any vessell belonging to the King of 
Greate Brittaine, or to any of his subjects, upon any part of the 
coasts of Trypolie, shall be made or becom prize; and neyther the 
goods thereof shall be seased, nor any of the men made slaves ; 
but that all the subjects of Trypolie shall doe their best indea- 
vours to save the said men and their goods. 

7- That no ship or other vessell of Trypolie shall have per- 
mission to be delivered up, or to goe to any other place in enmity 
with the said King of Great Brittaine, to be made use of as the 
easier or sea-roavers against his Majesty or subjects. 

8. That non of the ships or other vessells of Trypolie shall re- 
main crusing neare his Majesty's cytty and garison of Tangeate, 
or in sight of it, nor any way disturb the peace or commearce of 
that place. 

9. That if any ships or vessell belonging to Tunnis, Argeare, 
Titiwan, SaUy, or any other place being in warr with the King 
of Great Brittan, shall bring any ship or vessells, men or goods, 
belonging to his said Majesty or any of his subjects to Trypolie, or 
to any part or place in that kingdom, the Governors there shall 
not permitt any of these to be sould within the teritoris of 
Trypoly. 

10. That if any of the ships of warr of the said King of 
Great Brittain shall com to Trypolie, or to any other place or 
part of that kingdom, with any prize, they may freely sell it, or 
dispose of it at their pleasure, without being molested by any. 
And that his Majesty's ships of warr shall not be obleedged to pay 
custom in any part of that kingdom. And that if they shall 



222 

want provision^ victualls^ or any other things, they may freely 
buy them at the rates of marketts. 

11. That if any of his Majesty's ships of warr shall appeare 
before Trypolie, upon notice thereof given to the English Con- 
sul!;, or by the Commander of the said ship to the Cheife Go- 
vernor of Trypoly, publick proclamation immediatly be made 
to secure the Christian Captives ; and if after that any Chris- 
tians whatsoever make their escape on board any of the said 
ships of warr, they shall not be requyred back againe ; nor shall 
the said ConsuU or Commander, or any other, pay any thing for 
the said Christians. 

12. That if any subject of the King of Greate Brittaine dye 
in Trypolie, or any of its teritorys, his goods and monys shall 
not be seazed by the Governors, or any Ministers of Trypolie, 
but shall remaine in the hands of the English Consull. 

13. That neyther the English Consull, nor any other subject 
of the said King of Great Brittaine shall be bound to pay the 
debts of any other of his Majesty's subjects ; except they becom 
security for the same by a publick act. 

14. That the subjects of his Majesty in Tripolie and its teri- 
torys in matters of controversy shall be lyable to no other juris- 
diction then that of the Dey or Divan ; except it happen that 
there is difFerrence betweene them : in which case they shall be 
liable to no other determination but that of the Consull only. 

15. That in case any subject of his said Majesty, being in any 
part of the kingdom of Trypolie, shall happen to strike, wound, 
or kill on Turke or Moore ; if he be taken, he is to be punished 
in the same manner, and with no greater severity, then a Turke 
ought to bee, being guilty of the same offence. But if he make 
his escape, neyther the English Consull, nor any other of his 
Majesty's subjects shall in any sort be questioned therefore. 

16. That the English Consull, now or any time hereafter 
liveing in Trypolie, shall be there at all times with intyre free- 
dom aiid safty of his person and estate ; and shall be permitted 
to choose his owne druggarman andbroaker, and freely to goe on 
board any ship in the roade, as often and when he pleaseth ; and 
to have the liberty of the country ; and that he shall be alowed 



223 

a place to pray in ; and that no man shall injure him in word or 
deede. 

17. That not only the continuance of this peace and friend- 
ship^ but likwise if any breach or warr happen to be herafter be- 
tween the said King of Greate Brittaine^, and the cytty or king- 
dom of Trypolie ; that then the said Consull and all others his 
said Majesty's subjects inhabiting in the kingdom of Trypolie, 
shall allways and at all times of peace and warr, have full and 
absolute liberty to depart, and goe to their owne, or any other 
country, upon any ship or vessell of any nation whatsoever they 
shall think fitt ; and carry with them all their estates, goods, 
famely, and servants, allthough borne in the country, without 
interruption or hindrance. 

18. That no subject of his Majesty, being a passenger from 
or to any port, shall be any ways molested or medled with, 
although he bee on board any ship or vessell in enmity with 
Trypolie. 

19. That wheras a warr hath lately happened betweene the 
most Soveraine King of Great Brittaine, and the most Illustrious 
Lords Halill, Bashaw; Ibraim, Dey; Aga, Divan, and Go- 
vernors of the noble cytty and kingdom of Trypolie, in Barbary ; 
by reason of injury s done to the said King of Great Brittaine 
and his subjects, by the people of Trypolie, contrary to the 
articles of peace : wee Halill, Bashaw ; Ibraim, Dey ; Aga, 
Divan, and Governors of the cytty and kingdom of Trypolie, in 
Barbary, doe acknowledge the injurys ; and that the breach of 
peace betweene us was made by our subjects, for which som are 
banished, and som are fled from our justice. And for farther 
satisfaction to his most excellent Majesty, wee are sorry for the 
breach of articles, and doe by these presents ingage to set. at 
liberty and deliver to the Right Honourable Sir John Norbrough 
all the English captives resyding in the cytty and kingdom of 
Trypolie and the dominions therof, with out paying any ransom 
for themj and by paying eighty thousand dollars in monys, 
goods, and slaves, to the said Sir John Norbrough. And for the 
future wee doe engage for our selves and successors, that if any 
injurys be done by any of the people of the kingdom of Trypolie 



224 

to any of the King of Great Brittain's subjects^ so that a warr 
be made betweene them, wee doe engage our selves and suc- 
cessors to make satisfaction not only for the wronge done, but 
also for all the charges of that warr to the King of Greate 
Brittaine. 

20. That no subject of his Majesty aforesaid shall be permitted 
to turne Turke or More, in the kingdom of Trypolie, except he 
voluntarily appears before the Dey or Governor 3 tims in 24 
houres with the English Consull or Druggar man, and every time 
declare his resolution to turne More or Turke. 

21. That at all times when a ship of warr carrying his Ma-^ 
jesty's flagg at the main top mast, shall appear, and com to an 
anchor in the roade of Trypolie, immediatly after notice given 
to the Governor of Trypolie by the Consull, or Governor of the 
said ship, in honour to his Majesty the Trypoleens shall cause a 
salute of 21 peices of cannon from their castell or forts; and 
that ship shall returne as many. 

22. That presently after the signing and sealing of the pre- 
sent articles, wee Halill, Ibraim, Aga, Governors of the cytty 
and kingdom of Trypolie, doe declare, that all injury s on boath 
syds set asyd, that this peace shall be in full force and virtue, and 
continue. And that for all depredacions that shall be committed 
by the aforesaid before notice of the peace can be given, full 
satisfaction shall be made immediatly, and what remains in 
kind shall immediatly be restored. 

23. That whensoever it shall happen that any thing is done or 
committed by the ships or subjects of eyther syd, contrary to 
any of these articles of peace, satisfaction being demanded, shall 
forthwith be made. And that it shall not be lawfuU to breake 
this peace till full satisfaction be denyd ; and our faith shaU be 
our faith, and our word our word. And whosoever shall be the 
cause of breaking of this peace, shall be punished with death. 

Confirmed and sealed in the presence of the Almighty God, 
the first day of March, ould stile, A. D., 1675 ; and the 
last day of the Moone Zechedya, and in the yeare of the 
Hegira On Thousand Eighty Six. 



226 



NOTE. 



It appears that very soon after the ratification of the 
preceding Articles of Peace, and the consequent departure 
of the Enghsh squadron from before Tripoly, several of 
the corsairs, who had been absent during the negotiation, 
returned into port, and, being dissatisfied with an arrange- 
ment by which their piratical avocations would be so 
materially curbed, excited a commotion in the city, 
and deposing the Dey, who was fortunate enough, by a 
precipitate flight, to escape with his life, sent out their 
cruizers, and recommenced their depredations upon the 
English. Sir John Narborough was, however, still in the 
Mediterranean, and having notice of their infraction of 
the Treaty, he immediately returned with eight frigates 
before the city of Tripoly, and without any parley began 
to batter the place with so much violence and effect, that 
the populace, terrified at the consequences of their breach 
of faith, compelled the new Dey to sue for a renewal of 
the Peace, and deliver up the authors of the rupture to be 
punished. The following Articles are given by our author 
as those agreed to by the Tripolitans upon this occasion. 



Whereas there were Articles of peace and commerce made 
and confirmed^ signed and sealed^ in the presence of Almighty 
God, and betweene the King of Great Brittaine, &c. and the 
Governors of the cytty and kingdom of Trypoly in Barbary, Sec. 
and since that time the Lord Ibraim, Dey, is fled from the 
said cytty and kingdom. 

Now therfore, wee Halill Bashaw; Aga Divan; with the 
souldyers and people of Trypoly, &c. have chosen and elected 
Vice-Admirall Mustapha Grande, to be Dey of the said cytty 
and kingdom, to succeed Ibraim, Dey, in the aforesaid Govern- 

Q 



226 

ment= And now wee^ the sayd Governors^ soldyersj and people 
of Trypoly aforsaid^ doe consent unto and approve of every of 
the said articles^ and of every part of them. And wee and 
every on of us doe now, by these presents, consent and agree to 
and with Sir John Norbrough aforesaid, for the true and exact 
keeping and performinge all the said articles ; and doe accept, 
approve, ratify, and confirme all and every of them, in the same 
manner and forme as they are inserted and reported in the sayd 
preceding articles : hereby engageing our selves and successors, 
and assureing on our faith, sacredly to maintaine and strictly to 
observe, performe, and keepe inviolably, all and every of the 
aforesaid articles of peace, and commerce, and agreement, even for 
ever. And will cause and require all our subjects and people, of 
what degree soever, boath by sea and land, punctually and duely 
to observe and keepe inviolable every part of them ; and our faith 
shall be our faith, and our word our word. 

And whosoever shall at any time breake any or any part of the 
aforesaid articles, shall assuredly be punished sevearely, and his 
head shall be cutt off, and immediatly delivered to any of his 
Majesty's officers that shall make demaund therof. 

Tis farther agreed, that any of the King of Great Brittain's 
subjects trading to any port of this kingdom of Trypoly, in any 
vessell whatsoever, shall not pay so much custom by on per 
cent, for whatsoever they sell or buy, as other nations doe for 
the like merchandize. 

And also that the English Consul! here shall have free liberty 
to hoyst the English flagg at his pleasure on his house-top ; and 
also to carry the said flagg in his boate on the water when he 
pleaseth. 

These, and all other the preceeding Articles between the partys 
aforesaid, are to remaine firme and without alteration for ever. 
Which the Grand Senior also confirmed and sealed in the presence 
of Almighty God, at our castell, in the noble cytty and kingdom 
of Trypoly, May the first, olde stile, 1676^ being the 26 day of 
the moone Zaphire, and the yeare of Hegira, 1087. 



MY SECOND VOYAGE TO SEA, 

BEGAN MARCH 31 ST, 1678. 



Have IN G (by God's blessing) finished my first 
voyage into the Mediterranean seas, (wherin I gott 
a good summ of monys, and spent greate part of it), 
I resolved to make another voyage, with a full in- 
tention to keepe what I could gett. 

My desyre was to visit the western parts (if pos- 
sible I could.) And finding out Captaine Antony 
Langston,^^ whoe was promised a ship for Virginea, 

'^ We have been able to procure but little information relative 
to the professional career of Captain Langston^ further than 
that in 1666 he was appointed to the command of the Vanguard, 
and in 1667 removed to the Princess^, and subsequently to the 
Royal Exchange. In 1670 he was made Captain of the New- 
castle, and sent to the Mediterranean, and in September of the 
same year was deputed as joint commissioner with Captain Hel- 
ling, of the Mary, to negotiate a peace with the Regency of 
Algiers. A treaty was soon afterwards concluded, and on such 
advantageous terms as afforded considerable proof of the abilities 
of the commissioners. Captain Langston returned to Europe in 
1671-2 and the Newcastle being soon afterwards put out of com- 
mission, he had no other appointment till the month of March, 
1678, when, being made Commander of the Bristol, he was again 
sent to the Mediterranean. During this expedition, he met 
with great success, having in the month of January, 1679, driven 
on shore and destroyed three of the principal corsairs belonging 
to Sallee. On the 14th of the same month he was promoted by 

q2 



MARCH 1678. 228 

with little perswation, I engaged my selfe to goe 
with him whether soever he was commaunded. 

In persuance of this promise, I stayd at London 
3 quarters of a yeare, and was every weeke in 
hopes of seeing my Captaine have his commission ; 
but being quite tyred with so longe delays, I resolved 
to goe into the country, my Captaine haveing assured 
mee, that he would give mee notice to com up, so 
soone as he had his commission. 

And though I was glad to see my relations and 
olde acquaintance, yet I lived very un-easy, being 
dayly dunnd by som or other, or else for feare af 
land pyrates, which I hated worse then Turkes ; 
though I was sufficiently provided for them, if they 
had made any attempt. 

The 18th day of March, I received what I had so 
long expected, viz. a letter from my Captaine, to com 
up to London, for now his commission was graunted. 
I sent him word by the next post that I would be 
with him in Easter weeke ; and I provided accord- 
' ingly. 
March 31 I resolved to goe in the Warwick coatch. Ther- 
fore on Easter day, (havein administred the sacrament 
at Spernall to my parishoners), about three of the 
clock, with my wife behinde mee, I rod towards 
lYarwick, desyreing to be there that evening ; that 

Sir John Narborough to the Royal Oak, into which ship he re- 
moved, according to the Diary, on the 16th, and in the command 
of which he died in Alicant Roads on the 19th of March follow- 
ing.— Teonge, who appeared to be much attached to Captain 
Langston, has, in a subsequent page, given us the Epitaph which 
he composed for him. 



APRIL 1678. 229 

so I might be ready to goe in the coatch next morn- 
ing. This night I supped at my sonn George his 
house, and had to supper a shoulder of mutton, and 
a most excellent pike stewed, and another fryed. 
1 1 This morning I parted from my cousin George 
Smyth, my sonns George and Henry at Lemington, 
haveing left my wife at Warwick ; and in the coatch- 
waggon^' my sonn Thomas and I and twoe women 
went for London. 



^^ Vehicular conveyance^ as applicable to general travelling, 
was at this period but in its infancy in this country ; and the 
rude and cumbrous manner in which carriages were at first con- 
structed will account for the term " Coach -waggon/' which, ac- 
cording to our modern ideas, that associate whatever is light and 
rapid with ordinary travelling, sounds rather heavily. That even 
such conveyance was not then common, may be inferred from the 
Hudibrastic style in which the worthy Chaplain equipped him- 
self for his journey previous to the first voyage — see p. 1. The 
following observations, partly extracted from " Some Remarks on 
the early Use of Carriages in England, and on the modes of tra- 
velling adopted by our ancestors," by J. H. Markland, Esq. prin- 
ted in the XXVIIIth volume of the Archaeologia, will afford some 
amusing and interesting information on the subject. — We are 
led to infer that the horse-litter and the chair were the most an- 
cient modes of conveyance employed by persons of rank in this 
country, and that they were rarely, if ever, used but on occasions 
of ceremony, or in cases of sickness. 

It would seem that coaches were unknown in England in the 
time of Luther, who died in 1546 ; and, according to Stow, the 
first coach used here was built in 1565, by Walter Ripen, for the 
Earl of Rutland. For some time after the introduction of car- 
riages, the weight of them, the clumsiness of their construction 
(being without springs), and the state of the roads, prevented 
their being commonly employed in journeys; and there are suffi- 
cient instances upon record to show, that to a late period of the 
seventeenth century the highways, even in the immediate neigh- 



APRIL 1678. 230 

3 This day by 3 of the clock wee cam safe to the 
Bell in Smythfeild ; and haveing visited my cousin 
Tyler's house, I went to the Temple, to my Captaine, 

bourhood of London^ were in a neglected and frequently almost 
impassable state for vehicles of any description- 

In the correspondence of Sir George RatclifFe, we have 
many proofs of the serious inconvenience that attended travellers 
in the early part of the seventeenth century ; at which time the 
communication between the north of England and the Univer- 
sities was kept up by carriers^, who pursiied their tedious but uni- 
form route with whole trains of packhorses^ and to their care was 
consigned not only the packages^ but very frequently the per- 
sons of young scholars. 

About 1 640 the wife of Henry, last Earl of Cumberland, in a 
tedious journey from London to Lanesborough, which occupied 
eleven days, either from the state of the roads, or disdaining to use 
the metropolitan luxury of a carriage, appears to have ridden the 
whole way on horseback, having thirty-two horses in her train. 

Wood, in his Diary, first mentions a stage-coach under the 
year 1661, and six years afterwards he informs us he travelled 
to London from Oxford by such a conveyance. The journey occu- 
pied tivo days ! A convey ance was afterwards invented, called 
the Flying Coach, which completed the journey between Oxford 
and London in thirteen successive hours, but it was soon found 
necessary to abandon it, at least during the winter months. 

The following anecdotes will evince, that, for a long time sub- 
sequent to this period, the state of the public roads was so defec- 
tive, that public convenience and accommodation in travelling 
were almost wholly neglected. In December 1703, Charles HI. 
King of Spain, slept at Petworth on his way from Portsmouth 
to Windsor, and Prince George of Denmark went to meet him 
there by desire of the Queeen. In the relation of the journey 
given by one of the Prince's attendants, he states, "^ We set out 
at six in the morning, by torchlight, to go to Petworth, and did 
not get out of the coaches (save only when we were overturned 
or stuck fast in the mire) till we arrived at our journey's end. 
'Twas a hard service for the Prince to sit fourteen hours in the 
coach that day without eating any thing, and passing through 
the worst ways I ever saw in my life. We were thrown but 



APRIL 1678. 231 

whoe told mee that on Mr, Crofts had gotten the 
King's warrant for liis ship. 

Therfore that same night I went by water to the 
Bishop of London at FuUum ; where I had little 
incoui-agement. 

once indeed in going, but our coachj which was the leading one, 
and his Highness's body coach, would have suffered very much, 
if the nimble boors of Sussex had not frequently poised it, or sup- 
ported it with their shoulders, from Godalming almost to Pet- 
worth, and the nearer we approached the Duke's house the more 
inaccessible -it seemed to be. The last nine miles of the way 
cost us six hours' time to conquer them ; and indeed we had never 
done it, if our good master had not several times lent us a pair 
of horses out of his own coach, whereby we were enabled to trace 
out the Avay for him." Afterwards, writing of his departure on 
the following day from Petworth to Guildford, and thence to 
Windsor, he says, '^ I saw him (the Prince) no more, till I found 
him at supper at Windsor j for there we were overturned (as we 
had been once before the same morning), and broke our coach ; 
my Lord Delawarre had the same fate, and so had several 
others." — Vide Annals of Queen Anne, vol. ii. Appendix, No. 3. 

In the time of Charles (surnamed the Proud) Duke of Somer- 
set, who died in 1748, the roads in Sussex were in so bad a state^ 
that, in order to arrive at Guildford from Petworth, travellers 
were obliged to make for the nearest point of the great road 
leading from Portsmouth to London. This was a work of so 
much difficulty, as to occupy the whole day, and the Duke had a 
house at Guildford which was regularly used as a resting-place 
for the night by any of his family travelling to London. A ma- 
nuscript letter from a servant of the Duke, dated from London, 
and addressed to another at Petworth, acquaints the latter that 
his Grace intended to go from London thither on a certain day, 
and directs, that, '' the keepers and jjersons who knew the holes 
and the sloughs must come to meet His Grace with lanthorns 
and long poles to help him on his way." 

It is only necessary to contrast the above relations with the 
present state of the public roads, and modes of conveyance, to 
see what immense strides have been made, within a century, 
towards the internal improvement of this country. 



APRIL 1678. 232 

4 This morning our noble Captaine made my son 
Thomas a waterman, and tooke him and my selfe 
with him to White-hall, where (after a little stay in 
the Long Gallery) our Capt. cam to mee and told mee 
I should kisse his Majesty's hand. He had no sooner 
sayd so but the King cam out ; my Capt. presented 
mee to the King, saying, An't please your Majesty, 
this gentleman is an old cavaher, and my Chaplen. I 
kneeled downe ; he gave me his hand. I kist it, and 
said, Pray God blesse your Majesty ! He answered, 
God blesse you boath together ! twice ; and walked 
alonge the Gallery his woonted large pace. '^^ And 
from thence (resolveing to have no denyall, seeing I 
had, as I thought, sufficient warrant for my place), I 
went againe to FuUum ; but the Bishop was gon to 
London. I followed him, and watched him so narrow- 
ly, that I found him goeing up the back stares to the 
House of Lords, and (almost whether he would or 

'^ The Marquis of Halifax, in his " Character of King Charles II." 
notices the quick step, (or, as the Chaplain calls it, the " woonted 
large pace") of the King, in the following passage : — " There was 
as much of laziness as love in all those hours which he passed 
among his mistresses, who only served to fill up his seraglio, 
while a bewitching kind of pleasure, called sauntering, was the 
sultana queen he delighted in. The thing called sauntering js 
a stronger temptation to princes than it is to others : the being 
galled with importunities — pursued from one room to another by 
asking faces — the dismal sound of unreasonable complaints and 
illrgrounded pretences — the deformity of fraud ill-disguised — all 
these would make any man run away from them, and I used to 

think it was the motive for making him walk so fast." '' He 

walked by his watch, and when he pulled it out to look upon 
it, skilful men would make haste with what they had to say 
to him." 



APRIL 1678. 233 

not) deliverd into his hand a sharpe letter from my 
Captaine. I askt him when I might waite on him 
againe ; he answerd very curtly, tomorrow ; for I 
could not expect an answer this day, because it was 
the day of the Lord Penbrooks tryall/* 

From that day I persued my reasonable request to 
his Lordship, following him from place to place, till 

1 1 This morning I received my orders from him, and 
then, haveing heard somthing more of me, he was 
very kind, and told mee that he was sorry that I was 
not dispatched sooner. And 

12 This morning I went to Derby house, and there 
I also received the King's warrant. And now being 
rectus ad curiam, and knowing that my Captaine, 
who went on board on Satterday, Aprill 6th, was 
not yet fallen downe any lower then the Hope, I 
was busy in looking for a convenient passage, but 
found non tiU Wensday. 

24 This morning, accompany d with som friends, to 
Beare Key; the hoy-man told mee, that he could 
not goe till the morning. 

25 This morning, accompanyd with the sam friends 
as before, Mr. Richard Dawes and my selfe went on 

^'' We have taken some pains in endeavouring to ascertain 
who is the person meant by Teonge in this passage^ but unless 
he alludes to the impeachment of the Lord Treasurer Danby, 
which about this period was in agitation^ we are unable to 
offer any explanation of his meaning. There is nothing upon 
record to shew that Lord Pembroke was upon trial at this time ; 
and it is, on the other hand, certain that early in 1678 the 
House of Commons had resolved to impeach the Earl of Danby, 
who was thereupon dismissed from his appointment of Lord 
High Treasurer, and his office put into commission. 



APRIL 1678. _ 234 

board a Sandwich hoy, where wee had lowsy lodg- 
ing, and as bad fare. 

26 Before 6 this evening wee cam in to Sandwich 
Roade, but could not get to shoare, because the tyde 
would not serve ; and therfore were forced to stay 
there all that night at little ease. 

27 This morning at 10 wee cam in to Sandwich; 
whence intending to goe on foote to Deale, and so on 
board our ship in the Downes, wee were certifyd 
that our ship and som others were that very morning 
gon back up to the Hope. All our monys was now 
spent, and how to follow our ship wee knew not : 
and here wee meete with Mr. Godwin, chaplen to 
the Mary Rose, in our condition, for shee was gon 
back with our ship. 

(28) Mr. Dawes and I went in the afternoone to Deale, 
where wee are certifyd that our ship is gon up to 
take in souldyers, and to carry them to Ostend.'" I 
much woondred that every thinge should fall out so 
crosse, and resolved to follow the ship back. 

29 This morning wee take only our bedding, leave 
our chests in pawne, borrow som monys of Mr. 
Baker, our landlord, and goe on board a new hoy to 
follow our ship, then as high as Gravesend ; but wee 
had not sayled a mile, before our tessell ran a 
ground, and there stuck unmoveable. Now wee 

^^ The nation at this period seemed determined upon a rup- 
ture with France^ and as the King had^ by his bad faith with 
Charles, considerably weakened the objections of the latter to 
hostilities^ several regiments were sent to Ostend;, in readiness 
for the opening of the campaign : the preparations, however, 
came to nothing. 



APRIL 1678. 235 

were worse then before. This night I did much ad- 
mire that all meanes, though never so well intended, 
should prove so very crosse ; thence I prognosticated 
a crosse voyage, and could I have got but a reason- 
able price for my goods, I would have returned home 
again e. 
30 But thinking our vessell might be got off againe, 
wee stay here at charges till 2 of the clock for the 
high-water. SeveraU meanes are used, but all in 
vaine ; the hoy could not be got off. Wee carry all 
our goods back to Mr. Baker's, borrow som more 
monys to beare our charges, and at 4 of the clock, or 
after, wee all resolve to goe on foote to Gravesend, 50 
miles ; and leave all our goods at Sandwich. And 
that night wee went 10 miles to Canterbury. 
May 1 The sadest way and weather that I ever went in, 
raining all day and a very high wind, and dyrectly 
in our faces. SeveraU old men sayd they never 
knew such a May day ; yet were wee not daunted, 
but in spite of fate cam that night to Sittenburg ; 
they cald it 16, but wee tooke it for 20 miles. 

2 This day about 5 a clock, with wearyd leggs, wee 
got to Gravesend ; being glad to see our shipps lye 
there at anchor. And about 7 I cam on board his 
Majesty's ship the BristoU, where our Captaine and 
all the gentlemen did much rejoyce, in pimch and 
brandy, at our safe arrivall. 

3 This day wee expect souldyers on board us. In 
the afternoone Mr. Daws goes to London to see for 
som monys to redeeme our goods from Sandwich. 

4 The prick Master coms on board, and enters me 
from the date of my warrant from the King, 



MAY 1678. 236 

(5) Prayers, but no sermon ; our Captaine dyneing on 
the shoare. 

6 This day's newes is, that wee are suddenly for Vir- 
ginea ; and our ship is Admirall, and our Captaine 
commands the Mary Rose and the Monmouth pen- 
dents in. 

7 About 4 cam on barge full of souldyers on board 
us, and 2 more after them. The Lord Obryan cam 
with them ; at whose departure our Captaine gave 
him 7 gunns. Small rest this night. 

8 About 1 1 wee wey anchor ; and for want of wind 
are towed about a mile, and there anchor againe. 

9 Wee lye still for want of a wind. Punch and 
brandy since I cam on board have runn as freely as 
ditch-water. 

10 This day I was invited on board the Monmouth 
by Captaine Willoby, Leiutenant CoUonel Solsbury, 
and Capt. Taylor and Captaine Talbut, where wee 
were full merry. 

1 1 The wind is still contrary, and wee are where wee 
■ were. Mr. Dawes, Tom, and his mother cam on 

board us this afternoone. 
(12) No prayers ; for, the wind serving, at 10 wee 
wey'd anchor for Ostend ; and anchor againe at 4 
at the Buoy in the Oare. 

13 Here wee are forced to lye all day, the wind is so 
very high. 

14 Wee take up on anchor, and haule short, and so 
lye all night. 

15 At 1 1 wee are under sayle ; and at anchor at 8 at 
night. 



MAY 1C78. 237 

16 At 4 under saile againe ; and at anchor againe at 8* 

1 7 Wee cam to an anchor over against Bridges ; and 
in sight of Ostend at 7 this morning ; before night 
om' souldyers were all fetcht off, being 900 men. 

18 Om' barge went to Ostend this morning about 
buisnes, about 3 in the morning; and coming off, 
the wind and tyde being contrary, had like to have 
beene cast away ; but was releived by a privateare, 
whoe brought boath barge and men on board us, 
\jirhom our Captaine saluted with 5 gunns as his 
thanks ; he answered 5. 

(19) Witsunday. My first sermon on board the Bris- 
tow : the preamble to the Lord's Prayer. And wee 
are goeing towards the Downes. 

20 This morning about 10 wee com to an anchor in 
the Downes. And at 12 Mr. Dawes and my selfe, 
and on more, goe to Deale ; and from thence to Sand- 
wich for our goods. There wee lye all night, and 
are very merry, 

21 And this night also. 

22 Mr. Dawes and I com back to Deale to looke for 
a waggon against the morning ; but returne in the 
evening unlookt for. 

23 Wee send aU our goods to Deale, and (hayeing 
left our companion, who was for London the next 
morning,) wee com back to Deale, and not finding 
eyther our barge or longboate on shoare, wee were 
forced to lye there all night. And I had but Qd, left. 

24 About 8 at night wee gott all our goods on board, 
though longe first ; and I playd a lesson or twooe on 
my vyall in the great cabin. 



MAY 1678. 238 

25 A very stronge wind causeth us to lye at anchor 

all day. 
(26) Prayers morning and evening, but no sermon ; 

our Captaine being indisposed. Raine, and a stronge 

wind all day, 

27 Wee lye still, expecting to saile every houre. And 
the evening so cleare, you may see the white shoares 
of France very easily. 

28 This morning, accompany d with the Dunkirk, 
Mary Rose, and Antelopp, wee are under sayle at 
1 1 for Harwich. And at 2, wee com to an anchor 
off the North-Foreland, and without the North- 
sands head. 

29 By 3 in the morning wee are under saile againe 
with a small gale ; and at anchor in Harwich Roade 
about 3 in the afternoone. But about 12 a clock, 
all our ships remembring the festivall day, fyred so 
many gunns that they were buryed in their owne 
smoake ; and at dinner wee are faine to make shift 
with an excellent sallett and eggs, a fillett of veal 

' roasted, a grand dish of maccarell, and a large lob- 
ster ; so hard is our fare at sea : and all washt downe 
with good Marget ale, March beere, and last of all, 
a good boule of punch, 

30 Early in the morning our Captaine goes on shoare, 
and back at night. 

31 Boats com to bring us in provision and beere. At 
5 a clock 

June 1 Captaine Nayler's company coms on board us. 
(2) No prayers to day. In the afternoone halfe a com- 
pany of souldyers com on board us. 



JUNE 1678. 239 

3 And more this morning. At 3 wee are under 
sayle, and for the coasts of Scottland, viz. the Dun- 
kyrke, Mary Rose, Antelop, and Bristoll ; all fraite 
with lobsters, viz. red-coats. At 7 wee com to an 
anchor over against Balsy Steeple : hear wee have 
made our land officers very merry ; and 

4 At 4 in the morning wee are under saile, with a 
small gale, and at 8 over against Oxford Castle, and 
the light house on the Sands. At 2 there fell such 
a fogg, wee could not see on the other. 

5 Wee are sayling now with a fayre wind. At 2 a 
clock, on of our Lobsters standing by the hatch-way, 
gazing about him, with his can in his hand, fell 
backwards into the hole, and being at the bottom 
with small hurt, he said, God's curse light upon the 
house ! I was never served such a trick before. And 
being askt how he cam thither, says he, I was walk- 
ing in the streets thinking no harme, and dropt 
downe into the sellar, and he swore he would not 
goe thence till he had som drinke. 

6 A greate fogg all this morning ; so that wee all lost 
on another, till about 2 in the afternoone the fogg 
broake up, and wee cam altogether with rejoycing. 

7 A very foggy and unwholsom weather, so that wee 
cannot see above a ships length ; but fyre musketts 
often, to tell where wee are. At 4 the fog brake up 
of a sudden ; and wee were all not above 2 leages 
from shoare, and easily see Newcastle and Tynmouth 
Castle, and all those coasts. Wee lye by all night, 
for feare of danger, just against Tyvitt-hills. 

8 This morning wee com all to an anchor under 



JUNE 1678. 240 

Bandbrough Castell, and near€ Holy Hand; where 
on wee landed our souldyers by our barge and longe 
boate at severall times. And from thence they went to 
Barwick, being distant 8 miles. 
9 Prayers, but no sermon. Our Captaine went to 
see the Holy Hand, as the Scotts call it. Of which 
they'l tell you, that all the weeke 'tis incompassed 
with the sea, but on the Sunday you may goe over as 
drye as on a house flore. And this is only a Scotch 
trick ; for the truth is, tis fordable ; and you may ride 
over dry on Sundays, and so you may also any 
other day in the weeke, excepting in a spring tyde. 

10 Wee prepare to sayle, but the wind favoured us 
not ; plenty of fish. 

11 The wind coming about, wee are under sayle by 
5, and for the Downes. This afternoone wee have a 
fayre kept on the quarter deck, of caps, neckcloths, 
wascotts, drawers, shirts, stockings, shooes, &c. Most 
of the wares are sould, but not on penny payd : you 
could but aske for what you wanted, and 'twas put 

> into your hands — but marke the end on't. 

12 A crosse wind. About 5 of the clock wee found 
2 boats fishinge, and bought of them ling and fresh 
codd of 4 foote in length for 6d. a peice ; brett and 
turbott for 2cl. a peice : cheap enough. 

13 A very wett morning, but a fayre gale, on the 
Doggar Banke. 

1 4 Wee are with a fayre gale on the Well Banke. 

15 A scant wind now, and wee are all busy in take- 
ing makarell ; and wee end the week in drinking 
healths to our friends : and 



JUNE 1678. 241 

(16) No prayers; for at 8 wee discover a sayle, and 
wee give her chase : she proves a prize taken from 
the Dutch by a Dunkirker^ and desyres us to shew 
how Dunkyrk boare, for they had lost themselves as 
well as their goods. At 3 wee discover the North 
Foreland. At 9 wee anchor in the Downes, where 
closse by us the Antelop ran on board the English 
Ruby, but cam off with small dammage. 

17 A stronge wind. 

1 8 The scolding woman was well washt to day. 

19 Severall of the men of warr traine this day. 

A SONGE. 

To a mornfull new Tune. 

As like a hermite abroade I walked 

In a plesant and shady grove. 
Unto my selfe thus mee thought I talked, 

O what a hell 'tis to be in love ! 
I mus'd on Venus and Amarillis, 

And each be^vitching face and parte — 
But still my mind is for lovely Phillis, 

For shee alone doth injoy my harte. 

Much like Amintas, abroade I wander 

With my flock o'er the pleasant plaines ; 
But then my hart like a salamander 

A burning lyes with true love's paines : 
My pretty lambs so much beloved 

Formerly, are now forgott ; 
For Phillis' sake my love's removed. 

For Phillis' sak^ I know them not. 

I search the country for recreation. 

Where huntings, bankings, or shootings bee ; 

I ring, I bowle, or what's else in fashon. 
Yet no contentment in these I see : 

R 



JUNE 1678. '242 

I ride to fayres, and to merry meetings^ 
To Whitson-ales and May-games too ; 

I vew their pastimes and pretty greetings^ 
Yet stilly my Phillis^ my hart 's with you. 

The land disliking, the seas I crossed. 

To forraine countrys I steare my ; 
The winds are angry, the ship is tossed. 

The matter still groes worse and worse : 
Raine, haile, and thunder are straingly mixed ; 

Our ship lys tumbling uppon the lee ; 
Our main-mast 's lost, and our helme unfixed ; 

Yet still, my Phillis, my hart 's with thee. 

This storme is over ; a worse ensues us ; — 

The Turkish squadron commaunds our stay : 
Our ship is hayled, the foe per sues us. 

And through them wee must force our way. 
The cannons, musketts, and petarreroes. 

Doe thunder, them and us to kill ; 
And dead or limblesse lye our heroes ; 

Yet on my Phillis my mind is still. 

By seas and land, too, thus have I wandred. 

Seeking som rest to my troubled mind : 
My time is spent, and my mony squandred. 

Yet no contentment at all I find. 
Then back to England to goe my will is. 

To seeke out Phillis where e'er shee bee ; 
1 11 live and dye with my lovely Phillis, 

And shee shall live and dye with mee. 

Composed i?i the Dowries, July 26, 1678.' — H. T. 

20 21 Two very hott days, and wee lye still, and make 
merry. 
22 This day I went on board the Charles II. ; a ship 
of the first rate, and of greate force, carrying 96 
gunns, and 710 men. Here I was courteously enter- 
tayned by the chaplen ; and 



JUNE 1678. 243 

(23) I preacht this day — Our Father, &c. A very 
fayre day. 

24 This day Capt. Tho. Langston and his Cornett 
cam to see our Capt. from Canterbury ; and wee 
were very merry. They went on shoare about 7 ; 
and at their going off wee gave them 3 cheares, and 
7 gunns. 

25 A stronge wind ; but wee are secure. 

26 This day our Capt. is gon to Canterbury to see his 
kinsman. At 8 this morning, som of our simple 
seanjen, going to haule up our longe-boate, by their 
carelessenes let her goe a drift, haveing not an oare 
in her ; and had gon to Fraunce on a sudden, had 
not the tyde drove them accidentally uppon a buoy, 
where they stayd till they were releived. But a 
worse accident fell out: — Our long-boate being sent 
to Deale, all the men being to goe out, only 3 were 
left to looke to her. Of the which on John Rose, 
belonging to the gun-roome, undrest himselfe to his 
drawers and stockings, and the boate lyeing closse to 
the shoare, he threw his cloaths on tlie shoare, and 
was going out of the boate. He could swim very 
well ; but before he went into the water, he asked on 
of his companions if he could swim ? He answered. 
No : hee replys, Then thou art worse then a dogg, 
and with that word jumpt into the water, and in- 
stead of swiminge, he could only paddle in the water 
like a dogg, and was immediatly drowned. 

27 This day he was taken up, and buryed on the 
sands. This day wee heare of sayling suddenly ; but 
whither wee know not. 

R 2 



JUNE 1678. 244 

28 29 Boath very fayre. And wee heare of carrying 
more souldyers. 
(30) No prayers. Wee begin to wey anchor at 8 ; and 
by 2, wee are under sayle for Harwich, to take in 
Sir Henry Goodridge his regiment for Ostend. Wee 
have with us the Asya, Antelop, the Drake, and a 
ketch. At 4 wee anchor before the North Foreland 
to stay for the Antelop's coming up. 

July 1 By 2 this morning wee are under sayle. At 7, at 
anchor off the Nathsland, neare Harwich. At 1 1 , 
under sayle againe. And at 3, at anchor before 
Harwich. 

2 A wett day ; and wee fetch som fresh water from 
shoare. At 1, John Watson, of Stroud, cam to us 
with his ketch to carry souldiers. 

3 Stormy weather, and showers often. 

4 And so to day also. 

5 This morne wee chainge our byrth, and anchor 
nearer to Harwich. 

6 A fresh gale. Wee end the weeke with health to 
our friends. 

(7) Prayers, no sermon, I was invited to dinner on 
board the Asya, a neate ship ; and kindly entertained 
by Capt. Fortescue.76 

'^ Captain Fortescue was appointed to the command of the 
Colchester in the year 1661. In 1666 he served as lieutenant 
of the Greenwich, and in the following year of the Ann. In 
1672 he was commander of the Francis fire-ship, in 1673 of 
the Ann and Christopher, and lastly, on the 12th of April, 1678, 
he was appointed by Charles "the lid captain of the Asia, an 
hired man of war, after which we are not able to trace him. 



JULY 1678. 245 

8 This day I went with our Captain e on shoare to 
Piiett Hand, where wee tooke above 10 douzen of 
young puetts. 

9 This morning the new ship, called the Restoura- 
cion, a 2d rate, cam from the towne (haveing saluted 
the towne with 7 gunns), and anchored betweene the 
towne and Langor Fort. 

10 Captaine Tayler and his 3 daughters, and Cap- 
taine Craford, and Mrs. Styles, dyned on board us ; 
at their going of wee gave 7 gunns. 

11 At 3 Leiutenant Coll. Rumzy's company, and 

12 Captain Norton's company, cam on board us. At 10 
wee are under sayle. 

13 At 10 this morning wee are at anchor before 
Ostend. 

(14) Our souldyers are all gon by 10. Wee have no 
time for prayers. The Antelop was under sayle 
(contrary to orders) at 3 ; our Captaine commaunded 
him back by a shott, but he went away, and 

15 At 5 wee are under sayle. The wind slacking, at 
anchor at the North Foreland at 9 at night. 

16 At anchor in the Downes. 

17 18 I made my scabbard new. The sam day the 
Lord Strandford and his lady, and her sister, and 
severall others, cam from Sandowne Castle on board 
us. At their departure wee gave them 3 cheares, 
and 9 gunns. 

19 20 Very ruff and wett weather. 
(21) Prayers morning and evening; our Capt. dyned 
at Sandowne Castell. 



JULY 1678. 246 

22 I was on board the French Ruby, and much 
made of by Mr. Hodgeson. 

23 This day the King is expected heare, but corns 
not. A new master coms on board us to day, viz. 
Mr. Sturke. 

24 Salutes this morning from all the ships to Sir 
John Holmes,^^ whoe cam in last night about 9 a 
clock. Wee are all divided into squadrons. 

'"^ We find this distinguished officer Commander of the Jer- 
sey in 1664; and in the following year^ after having served as 
lieutenant of the Centurion, he was ajipointed Commander of the 
Saint Paul, and, what appears somewhat extraordinary, served 
in the beginning of the next year as a lieutenant of the same 
ship. He was in a short time removed into the Bristol, of 
which we find him Captain in the month of August. In the 
attack upon the Dutch fleet lying between the Islands of Ulie 
and Schelling in July 1665, he was posted in the line of battle 
as one of the seconds to his brother. Sir Robert Holmes. The 
most complete success attended the enterprize, two ships of war 
and a large fleet of merchant vessels being destroyed. On the 
following day the Commander of the fleet having landed a con- 
siderable body of soldiers on the island of Schelling, Captain 
> Holmes commanded one of the companies ; and having burnt the 
town of Bendaris, and carried ofl' a very considerable booty, the 
troops were reimbarked, with the loss of only 12 men killed and 
wounded. The very conspicuous gallantry of Captain Holmes in 
this aflair procured him the command of the Triumph, a second 
rate ; of which ship he probably continued Captain during the re- 
mainder of the war, although we have no subsequent notice of him 
till the year 1 668, when he was made Commander of the Falcon 
and Kent successively. In 1669 he went out with Sir Thomas 
Allen to the Mediterranean, as Commander of the Nonsuch. 
In 1670 he removed into the Bristol, and in the following year 
to the Diamond. During the time he commanded this ship he 
was singularly fortunate, as well as active, against the Algerines. 
Li the interval between the 24th of September and the 2d of 
October, he drove two of the principal corsairs from their station 



JULY 1678. 247 

25 This day corns the ill tydings that our ship's 
voyage (which all this while was intended for Vir- 

off Cape Spartel ; but the night coming on before he could get 
near enough to bring them to action^ he was not able to effect any 
thing further against them. On the 2d of October he fell in 
with two other corsairs of SaUee^, one of which he drove on shore, 
her companion effecting her escape. Captain Holmes returning 
to England soon afterwards, was appointed to the Gloucester, 
one of the squadron under the command of his brother Sir Robert; 
when, in March following, he fell in with the Dutch Smyrna 
fleet. He behaved as usual with singular gallantry, and having 
boarded the Hollandia of 54 guns, commanded by their Rear- Ad- 
miral Van Es, he carried her after a very obstinate contest; but 
Jiis prize was unfortunately so much shattered in the action, that 
she sunk in a few hours after he had taken possession of her. 
For this service Captain Holmes received the honour of knight- 
hood, and was promoted to the Rupert of 64 guns. In the 
action between Prince Rupert and the Dutch on the 28th 
of May, 1673, his conduct was such that he was selected by the 
Prince for particular commendation; an event doubly honourable 
when the well-known valour of his less noticed contemporaries 
is considered. In the action of the 11th of August, he ably 
sustained the reputation he had acquired, being one of the 
thirteen Captains who contributed to defend the Prince from 
the formidable attack made upon him, towards the close of the 
action, by De Ruyter and the whole of his division. As soon 
as she was refitted, he was made Commander of the Royal 
Charles, the ship in which Prince Rupert had hoisted his flag, 
during the first engagement, as Commander-in-chief. On the 
12th of April, 1677^ he was appointed Captain of the Montague, 
and two days afterwards was promoted to be a Rear- Admiral of 
the Blue, and Commander-in-chief in the Downs. On the 26th 
of March, 1678, upon the prospect of a rupture with France, 
Admiral Sir John Holmes hoisted his flag on board the Royal 
Charles, as Rear- Admiral of the Fleet in the narrow seas. On 
the 17th of April, 1679, we find him Commander-in-chief in the 
Downs ; and on the 23d of July in the same year he hoisted the 
Union flag at the maintop on board the Captain. From this pe- 
riod the naval annals are silent respecting his professional career. 



JULY 1678. 248 

ginea) was altered, and wee now are ordered to goe 
into the Straits. Wee are all discontented, &c. 

A SONGE. 

The Tune — Though the tyrant hath stolen, S^^c. 

Though the Fates have ordayned my true love away. 
And I am constrained on ship-board to stay ; 

Let my dearest remember how faithful! 1 11 bee^ 
Neyther distance nor absence shall e'er alter mee. 

But in showers of sighs will I send to my deare. 
And make my owne harte eorespond to my feare, 
Till the soule of my love shall be pleased to see 
How delightfull her safest returne is to mee. 

Till then in my cabin confined 111 mone. 
And there will I sigh and sing O'hone ! Olione ! 
No joys shall delight mee by night or by day^ 
So longe as my dearest from ship-board shall stay. 

Yet my cabin 111 fancy, (though a prison it bee) 
'Tis a thousand times better then a pallace to mee ; 
For the bedstock 1 11 kiss, and the pillow imbrace. 
For love to my dearest whoe lay in that place. 

When the cannons are roaring and tareing like thunder. 
When the ship is on fire, or likely to founder. 

When men that are wounded sing Loath to depart, 
The thoughts of my dearest shall comfort myne harte. 

And if the Fates, angry, thus ordered have. 
That in the deep seas I must dive for a grave, 
111 wooe the kind dolphins to lend me a shell. 
To bring my harte safely on shoare to my Nell. 

But the plannetts at last I consulted each on. 
To know how propitious they'd bee to our mone; 
Where I found it inroUed, the heavens are agreed 
To grant both our wishes and hasten our speede. 



JULY 1678. 249 

Then, dearest, be constant and true-liarted still. 
To him that is absent sore against his will ; 

I'll bee thy Leander — be Hero to mee. 

And the world shall ne'er know how delightfull wee '11 bee. 
Composed in the Dowries, July 26, 1678. — H. T. 

26 By 5 this morning wee are under sayle, (all the 
men of warr in the Downes, a brave squadron,) and 
for Portchmouth, tis sayd. But all in our ship goe 
with sorrowfull harts, haveing lost so brave a voyage, 
which wee so longe expected, and to be so suddenly 
commaunded into the Straits, so unprovided of ne- 
cessarys for that voyage, haveing not the least time 
to take leave of our acquaintance, and also so ill 
man'd and gunn'd ; tis trouble enough. But the 
voyage proves very short, for the wind being against 
us w^ee sayled only to the South Foreland, and so 
cam back againe. 

27 Such another voyage to day : wee sayled as far as 
Dover ; the forts saluted us with 2 1 gunns ; our 
Admirall answered as many ; and the wind being 
crosse, wee anchor'd in the Downes at on a clock, 

(28) Under sayle at 6, and a crosse wind, and at anchor 
at 12 before Sandgate Castle. No prayers ; nothing 
but tacking all day. 

29 Under saile at 7 ; at on, at anchor under Dungines. 

30 Under saile by 8 ; at anchor at 2, before Fayre 
Lee, catcliing whitings. 

3 1 Now are wee, with a small crosse gale, before the 
Beachy, 8 bould ships : the Charles, French Ruby, 
Munmouth, Mountegue, Dunkyrk, Dreadnought, 
BristoU, Ann and Christofer, a fyre-ship. Wee 



AUGUST 1678. 250 

wish in good earnest wee could meete as many more 
French. At on, wee anchor between the Beachy and 
the 7 CHffs. And 
Aug. 1 This morning at 6 under say le ; at anchor at 12. 
Wee observe to goe with the tyde, lying still when 
that is against us. 

2 At 5 in the afternooiie at anchor at the Spitt 
Head ; where wee finde the Roy all Charles and the 
Roy all James, twoe stately shipps, and severall 
other frigotts ; where the shoares rang with salutes, 
on from the other, for the space of two howers. 

3 The Prickmaster cam to muster us. 

(4) I preacht a sermon on the word, Father. Isaac 
Webb stood tied to the geares an howre, and had 
speculum oris placed in his mouth, for saying to a 
seaman in the Captain's hearing — 'Thou lyest, like a 
sonn of a whore," 

10 This day in dinnar time cam a letter to assure us 
that wee were ordered for the Straits. Deus no- 
hiscum! 

(11) I preacht a sermon of thankfuUnes. Great fyring 
of gunns on shoare, to welcom the Governor, Col. 
Legg. At night cam an expresse relating a fight be- 
tweene the Prince of Orange and the French, where 
the English did woonders. 

12 This day (haveing leave of our Captaine) I went 
with Mr. Peyton towards London, and were boath 
bejaded and tyred. And in that time that wee were 
gon to London, our ship went in to the dock to be 
cleaned ; where many of our men (because wee were 
sure to goe into the Straits) ran from the ship. 



AUGUST 1678. 251 

Haveing seene sevcrall friends, and dispatcht som 
buisnes in London, I cam back to Portsmoutli with 

27 Mr. Peyton ; and on board our ship on Tuesday, 
Aug. 27, where our Capt. bad us welcom. 

28 I went on shoare to buy sope and other things 
for our voyage. 

30 At least 100 gunns fyred for Sir Tho. Allen's ^^ de- 
parture. 

'^ Sir Thomas Allen^ descended from a respectable family of 
Lowestoffe in Suffolk^ began his naval career at an early age^ 
and on the 24tli Jiine^ 1660^ was appointed to the command of the 
Dover;, one of the first ships commissioned by the Duke of York 
as Lord High Admiral of England. In 1661 he commanded 
successively the Plymouth and the Foresight;, in 1662 the Lyon^ 
and in the following year the Rainbow. In the same year he 
vras appointed Commander-in-chief (as Commodore only) of the 
ships and vessels in the Downs^ and upon this occasion appears to 
have been allowed the privilege of wearing the Union flag at his 
maintop, and accordingly hoisted it on board the Saint Andrew. 
In 1664 he was appointed Commander-in-chief in the Mediterra- 
nean, to succeed Sir John Lawson, who was ordered home. He 
sailed on this service in the Plymouth, in company with the Crown, 
which was put under his orders. Early in the ensuing spring, 
being on a cruise with his squadron, consisting of eight or nine 
ships, he had the good fortune, off the mouth of the Streights, to fall 
in with the Dutch Smyrna fleet, consisting of forty sail under con- 
voy of four men of war; and having just before received intelli- 
gence that war had been declared by England against the States 
General, he hesitated not a moment to attack them. The Dutch 
having drawn the stoutest of their merchantmen into the line, to 
support and assist their men of war, the contest was obstinate; 
but in the end BraeckeL the Dutch Commodore, being killed, 
their line broken, and several of their ships sunk, some of the 
richest were captured, and the remainder took refuge in Cadiz. 
In the beginning of the year 1665, he shifted his flag from the 
Plymouth to the Old James ; and on his return to England, in 
the month of July following, was promoted to the rank of Ad- 



SEPTEMBER 1678. 252 

Sept. (1) I preacht a sermon — I will goe into thy house. 
And after diner I went with our Captaine to Port 

miral of the Bliie^, and received the honour of knighthood. In 
1666 he was appointed Admiral of the White, having his flag 
on board the Royal James, in which ship he Avas despatched 
with a squadron to oppose the French fleet, then reported to be 
beating up the Channel for the purpose of joining the Dutch. 
The report proving false. Sir Thomas Allen's division, in conjunc- 
tion with Prince Rupert's, returned just in time to turn the scale 
in favour of the English, and rescue the Duke of Albemarle, 
who had been hard pressed by the superior numbers of the Dutch, 
during a fight of three days' continuance. After a variety of 
events, in which he continued to maintain his high reputation, 
we find him in the month of August 1668 in command of a 
squadron destined for the Streights; and having arrived off" 
Algiers, on the 8th of October, he, by his peremptory behaviour^ 
quickly disposed the Government to propose equitable terms of 
accommodation ; which were immediately drawn up, and signed 
by both parties. Having eff'ected this important object. Sir 
Thomas sailed thence for Naples, where such honours were 
shewn him by the authorities as proved highly disagreeable to 
a Dutch squadron lying there, and they left the place in disgust. 
The same respect was also shewn to him at Leghorn. From 
thence he returned to Algiers, where having received assurances 
that the treaty he had concluded would be faithfully observed, 
he sailed for England in the month of April. No sooner, how- 
ever, was he clear of the Streights, than the Algerines began to 
renew their depredations ; so that having hoisted his flag on board 
the Resolution, he was a second time despatched to Algiers to 
compel the observance of the peace. On the 6th of August, 1669, 
he again appeared off" Algiers, and immediately commenced the 
infliction of chastisement upon the pirates by destroying a con- 
siderable number of their corsairs, but was withheld by his in- 
structions from undertaking any decisive measures against their 
territories. In the following year he was recalled, at his own 
earnest request, and succeeded in his command by Sir Edward 
Spragge. Upon his arrival in England he was appointed Comp- 
troller of the Navy, and for a time retired from the exercise of 
his professional duties as a seaman; but in March, 1678, he was 
again appointed Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's fleet in 



SEPTEMBER 1678. 253 

Cesar, an old ruinous place, built by Julius Cesar,^^ 
and was his dwelling-house. The wall is very high, 
and built great part of it of flint. Tis 4 square, and 
contayns 7 akers of ground, in on part ; and neare 
the wall stands an old castle, with dry moate about 
it. In the east end is a large church, but very ruinous, 
and great part of it uncovered. 

(8) Tliis day I preacht a sermon at Cesar's church ; 
there being the Major of Portsmouth and severall 
other gentlemen present. Text, Psall. Ixvi. 13. Wee 
dyned at the inn there, and were very merry. Mr. 
Peyton carryd my token to Portchmouth this day, to 
send it to London ; and he lay at the hulks all night. 

1 This day at 1 1 wee are under sayle to get out of 
the harbour, (for our men fall sick apace). Wee sayle 

the Narrow Seas, and once more hoisted his flag on board the 
Royal James. This appointment was occasioned by the proba- 
bility of a war with France; but that soon passing away. Sir 
Thomas once more retired from public life, and does not appear 
to have again resumed a command. The time or place of his 
death is not positively known. 

''' The Chaplain is presumed in this passage to allude to Por- 
chester Castle, which, from its adaptation as a receptacle for 
French prisoners of war during the late contest, is too well 
known to require at the present time any particular description. 
The following account, extracted from a local publication of the 
last century, may not be uninteresting, as affording a comparison 
with the account of Teonge : — " According to some authors a 
castle was erected here about the time of the foundation of Rome, 
by Paris, the second son of Sisil, the founder of Silchester ; 
much of the present building is Norman. Henry I. first paid 
attention to it, and founded within it a priory of canons of 
the order of Saint Augustine. The buildings of the Castle are 
even now tolerably entire, and embrace an extent of four acres 
Avithin the walls. The keep is a parallelogram of 115 feet by 
65, and three of the great towers are standing." 



SEPTEMBER 1678. 254 

as far as the Round Tower : the wind fayles ; wee 
com back to our mooreing : a fine short voyage ; and 
by the way wee made a shift to dround a ballast 
boate which ran against us, but saved the boy that 
was in the boate. 
13 This morning wee sayle out ; salute the towne 
with 9 gunns, whoe thank us with 7 ; and at on, 
wee anchor at Spitt Head. Wee take in all things 
fitt for our voyage. 
(15) I preacht a sermon on the word, Our. 

16 A seaman had 29 lashes with a cat of 9 tayles, 
and was then washt with salt water, for stealing our 
carpenter's mate's wives ring. 

1 7 This day was two yeares God did myraculously 
save all our lives in the Assistance ; '"^ which I hope I 

^•^ Our author alludes to the storm of the 16th and 17th Sep- 
tember^ 1676, mentioned in pp. 209 and 210 of the Diary. The 
following passage, from an unpublished MS. Journal of Richard 
Allyn^ Chaplain of the Centurion in 1691;, describes an event 
somewhat similar, and the conclusion is ludicrously characteristic 
of the manners of our seamen at that period, if not at the present. 
This manuscript is in the possession of one of the most distin- 
guished literary characters of the present day, and we are in- 
debted to a gentleman of great taste and antiquarian knowledge 
for this curious extract. 

" 21st April, 1692. — At 8 at night wee weighed and stood 
off S. S. E. untill 12 ; about which time it began to blow a meer 
fret of wind at W. S. W. and wee lay by under a main-sail reev'd, 
expecting y* even y*^ would have been bloAvn away from y^ yard. 
But tho' y^ wind was so boisterous, yet y^ running about of shot, 
chests, and loos things about y^ ship, made almost as great a noise 
as that. We had about 16 or 17 buts and pipes of wine in y^ steer- 
age, all which gave way together, and y^ heads of one of y*" broke 
out. Wee shipped several great seas over o*" quarter as well as 
wast. Sometimes for nigh y"' space of a minute the ship would 



SEPTEMBER 1678. 255 

shall never forget to give him thanks for. Much 
wind and raine. 
21 Much raine, and so violent winds these 3 days, 

that wee are fain to loare our masts and yards. 
(22) No sermon, by reason of the ship's buisnes. 
24 25 26 Tempestuous weather. 

seem to bee all under water^ and again sometimes would seem 
fairly to settle on one side. The chests, &c. SAvim'd between 
decks, and wee had several foot of water in y^ hold. In short, 
y^ weather was so bad, y^ y^ whole ships company declared y* 
they thought they had never seen y^ like, and y* it was impossible 
for it to bee wors. Notwithstanding all our ports were neither 
caulk'd nor lin'd, want of doing w*^^ was supposed to have occa- 
sioned y** loss of y^ Coronation. During y^ dreadful season I 
quietly kept my bed, tho' very wet by reason of y^ water y* came 
into my scuttle. The behaviour of o"" Puggs at y' time was not 
a little remarkable ; some few of y"" would pray, but more of 
y"" curs'd and swore lowder than y® wind and weather. I can't 
forbear Avriting one instance of y^ natur, and that is in y® story 
w*^^ was told me y^ next morning of George y*^ caulker, and old 
Robin Anderson. Poor George being very apprehensive of his 
being a sinner, and now in great danger of his life, fell down upon 
his marrow-bones, and began to pray — ^ Lord have mercy upon 
me ! Christ have,' &c. and so on to y^ Lord's Prayer. All y^ while 
old Robin was near him, and between every sentence, cry'd out — 

' Ah, you cow ! Z ds ! thou hast not got y^ hart of a flea !' 

Poor George, thus disturbed at his devotion, would look over his 
shoulder, and at y^ end of every petition would make answer to 
old Robin with a ' God d — n you, you old dog ! can't you let a 
body pray at quiet for you, ha? A plague rot you! let mee alone, 
can't yee ?' Thus y^ one kept praying and cursing, and t'other 
railing, for half an hour, when a great log of wood by y* rowl- 
ing of y^ ship tumbled upon George's legs, and bruised him a 
little; w*=^ George taking up into his hands, and thinking it had 
been thrown at him by old Robin, let fly at y^ old fellow, to- 
gether with an whole broad-side of oaths and curses, and so 
they fell to boxing. — I mention this only to see the incorrigible 
senslesncs of such tarpawlin 'wretches in y* greatest extremity 
of danger." 



SEPTEMBER 1678. 256 



A SONNET. 

The Tune — No scornfull lover e'er shall hoast. 
Composed at the Spitt Head, Sept. 26, 1678. 

When, Phillis, first I saw your face, 

I lov'd at liberty; 
But 'ere you parted from that place, 

I felt captivity. 
'Twas in the twinkling of an eye 

Blind Cupid playd his part ; 
His golden arrow he let flye^ 

And peirc't me to the harte. 

Yet, Phillis, I must tell you too. 

You ne'er shall boast in vaine. 
That you have kil'd a lover true. 

And felt yourselfe no paine. 
To Venus I my selfe will goe. 

And wooe her Dyetee, 
To send blind Cupid with his bowe 

And shoote the same at thee. 

Then, Phillis, let your fancy move 

In the same spheare with myne ; 
111 give myn harte to thee (my love,) 

And thou shalt give mee thyne. 
No turtle doves were e'er so true. 

Or halfe so constant bee : 
My Phillis, I '11 love non but you. 

And you'l love non but mee. 

Though, Phillis, you have charms in store 

To conquor whom you please. 
Our voyage yeelds fayre ladys more. 

Which may be woon with ease: 
But since I find your harte abyds 

Wholly resign'd to mee. 
Neglecting all the world besyds, 

I'll fancy non but thee. 

H T. 



SEPTEMBER 1678. 257 

27 This day wee have beere brought on board, and 
other things. 

28 The merchants that lay in the Downes all this 
while for a wind, and bound for the Straits with us, 
are com in to this Rode this morning. The Lord 
Mordant is com to Portchmouth. 

(29) A blustering, rainy day: at 7 at night the Lord 
Mordant and 4 servants cam on board to goe the 
voyage with us. No prayers, by reason of the ship's 
buisnes, 
30 A dull darke day. We expect orders to sayle 
every howre. 
Oct. 1 A very fayre day ; but the wind still foule. 

2 This morning dyed Captaine P.ulleare,^^ Captaine of 
the Ann and Christopher, a fyre ship, and bound 
with us into the Straits. He was buryed at Ports- 
mouth in the afternoone, and severall peales of can- 
non rang him to the shoare. 

5 High winds and raine these 3 days. And this 
day cam in a French vessell, which had lost her 
maine mast and mizon. 

(6) Prayers, no sermon ; our Captaine being on shoare. 
Much wind ; and the most tempestuous night for 

*' He was appointed lieutenant of the Bull in 1665^ one of the 
ships unfortunately taken by the Dutch in the following year, 
during the long and desperate engagement with the Duke of Al- 
bemarle. In 1672 he was promoted to the command of the Little 
Francis, a fire-ship, from which, in the next year, he was removed 
to the Benjamin, a vessel of the same description. On the 4th 
of February, 1677-8, he was appointed to the Ann and Christo- 
pher, in the command of which, as Teonge informs us, he died. 

S 



OCTOBER 1678. 258 

raine, thunder, lightning and wind, as ever I saw, to 
my best remembrance. 

10 Violent winds and raine till this day. Now wee 
hope all the foule weather is blowne over. Fayre 
weather, but a foule wind, all these 3 ensueing days. 

(13) This day is so fayre, that I preacht a sermon on 
our quarter deck. Wee have still ill luck: I am 
afraid of an unfortunate voyage ; for this day our 
Pursor, Mr. Gelly, is dead at Portsmouth, and our 
Leiutenant is very neare it. And the wind is as 
crosse as it hath beene all this while. 
14 The wind fayre this morning, but soone turn'd. 
But the weather very fayre for 3 days. 

17 The wind is now fayre. Wee wey anchor; are 
under sayle by 4; and salute the Admirall with 7 
gunns. Addue to Portsmouth ; and before 7 wee are 
at anchor at Snt. Ellen's Poynt. 

18 Blustering weather still, but drye, and very cold, 
At halfe an howre after 11 wee are under saile 
againe, with 1 8 merchants, 2 fyre ships, and 2 frigotts, 
besyd our owne. Wee Admyrall. 

19 A fayre wind and weather, and wee sayle merily 
for PHmmouth; and are this morning over against 
Dartmouth; and now I can count at least 30 in our 
convoy. 

(20) Wee are calmed at the Ramm Head : at 3 cam a 
small breese, and wee anchored in the Roade, or 
rather in Plymmouth Soundings, at 6. Saluted the 
cyttidell with 7 gunns: they gave as many; wee 
returne 3. No time for prayers to day. 



OCTOBER 1678. 259 

21 I went on shoare to see the cyttidell, which is 
a place of much strength, and tis pitty it is not 
finished. I lay all night on shoare; and 

22 Cam back this night with the Captain e, 

24 This day at 2 wee are under sayle, and stand off 
only to draw forth our fleet e, which tis sayd will con- 
sist of 100 ships. In the evening wee put to sea; 
so that I may count this day to be the begining of 
our voyage, God send it a prosperous on ! but I 
much feare it, all things hithertoo haveing beene so 
crosse. 

25 At 10 wee are, with as fayre a gale as can be 
desyred, past the Lyzard Poynt ; and boath our 
Master and my selfe counted 105 ships in sight. A 
brave fleete ! At 1 1 a small vessell, homeward bound, 
fell in amonge us ; and ran on board the Ann and 
Christopher, our fyre-ship, and broake her owne bolt- 
splitt, and toare her owne fore top sayle. At 2 I went 
on the poope, where I could scarce see the English 
coaste, and sighing, bad addue to England, and to all 
my friends there; yet hopeing to see them againe 
about a 12 months hence. 

A SONG, r 
Amyntas, forc't to sea, complaines for his abseJit Chris. 
The Tune — Fame of thy beauty and thy, &c. 

England, adue ! I now no more 

Can vew thy borders from the maine ; 

But gazeing back towards thy shoare, 
Do sighing ^vish mee there againe. 
s 2 



OCTOBER 1678. 260 

Since Cupid with his golden dart 
Hath wrought in us this sympathee. 

And joynd us boath in on true harte^, 
Why should wee now divorced bee ? 

Which of the Gods did he displease ? 

Or whoe would think them so unkinde. 
To send Amyntas crosse the seas^ 

And Cloris force to stay behind ? 

Or what malignant planetts raignd. 
Thus to torment a sheapardesse ; 

And my poore Cloris hath constrain'd 
At once to part from all her blisse ? 

Would Jove permitt, and Neptune please 
With ^ol's ayd her course to steare. 

That shee might safly crosse the seas^ 
Then^ I could wish my Cloris heare. 

But since our wishes are in vaine, 
O Gods, that wee may you addore. 

Bring mee but safly back againe 
To Cloris, and I '11 aske no more. 

Composed at Sea, Octob. 25, 1678. — H. T. 

26 Gallant fay re weather, and wee are now almost 
entringe on the Bay of Bischay. God send us well 
over it ! Wee end the weeke merrily, in drinking 
our friends' healths in a bole of punch. 

(27) A very fayre day : wee have prayers, but no ser- 
mon, this day. 

28 Now I begin to make cartridges for the Captain's 
gunns. 

29 This day wee begin to baracado our quarter deck 
with an old cable, to keepe off small shott ; and a 
good shift too. 



OCTOBER 1678. 261 

30 A summar's day. Now I make cartridges for my 
owne staff guim, and som for musketts also. 

31 A stronge gale to day. A small pink ran on 
board the C'astle fyre ship, and broake off her owne 
fore top mast, and did som prejudice to her owne 
bolt-splitt also. The weakest goes allways to the 
wall. Much raine this evening, and very tem- 
pestuous. Wee had not such a tumbling time since 
wee cam to sea. 

Nov. 1 More mild. At 12 the morning fogg broake up. 
At night wee begin Chrismas, drinking health to 
our friends in a boule of punch. 
2 This evening I began to be very feaverish, and 

tooke a sweate. 
(3) The Lord Mordant, taking occasion by my not 
being very well, would have preacht, andaskt the Cap- 
tain's leave last night, and to that intent sate up till 
4 in the morning to compose his speech, and intended 
to have Mr. Norwood to sing the Psalme. AU this I 
myselfe heard in agitation ; and resolving to prevent 
him, I got up in the morning before I should have 
done, had I had respect to my owne health, and cam 
into the gTcate cabin, where I found the zealous Lord 
with our Captaine, whom I did so handle in a smart 
and short discourse, that he went out of the cabin in 
greate wrath. In the afternoone he set on of the 
carpentars crewe to woorke about his cabin ; and I 
being acquainted with it, did by my Captaine's 
order discharge the woorke man, and he left woork- 
ing; at which the Reverent Lord was so vexed, that 
he borrowed a hammar, and busyed himselfe all that 



NOVEMBER 1678. 262 

day in nayling up his hangings f^ but being done on 
the sabbaoth day, and also when there was no ne- 
cessity, I hope the woorke will not be longe lived. 
From that day he loved neyther mee nor the Cap- 
taine. No prayers, for discontent. 

** This eccentric character, who at the period in question 
must have been in his twentieth year, was the eldest son of John, 
Lord Avanloe, and was brought up to the naval service, under 
the Admirals Torrington and Narborough, in the Mediterra- 
nean. In 1680 he signalized his courage at Tangier against 
the Moors. Being among the first who engaged in the designs of 
the Prince of Orange, he was, upon the accession of that indivi- 
dual to the throne of England, rewarded by a seat in the Privy 
Council, and the place of one of the Lords of the Bedchamber. 
In 1689 he was appointed first Lord of the Treasury and raised 
to the dignity of Earl of Monmouth, the title of his maternal 
grandfather, and in 1 697 be succeeded to the Earldom of Peter- 
borough on the death of his uncle. In 1705 he was appointed 
Commander of the forces sent to SjDain in support of the 
Archduke Charles, a competitor for the crown of that kingdom. 
In this command he continued for some time, and performed con- 
siderable service to the cause by his successes, most of which 
were gained with an inconsiderable army in point of numbers, 
by extraordinary rapidity in his motions, and by a daring spirit of 
enterprize. He possessed a ready invention for stratagems ; some 
of which went to the utmost limit of what is deemed allowable 
in war. Born with an exalted imagination, a romantic cast of 
mind, and a restless activity, he stood distinguished from ordi- 
nary mortals in every thing he did. Such was his excess of mo- 
bility, that the ministers used to say, they were obliged to write 
at him, and not to him. Burnet describes him as ^' a man of 
much heat, many notions, and full of discourse ; he was brave 
and generous, but had not true judgment ; his thoughts were 
crude and indigested, and his secrets were soon known." It 
was his own observation, that he had seen more kings and posti- 
lions than any other man in Europe. He was twice married : 
first to the daughter of Sir Alexander Frazer, by whom he had 
two sons and a daughter ; and secondly to Mrs. Anastatia Robin- 
son, the celebrated singer. He died at Lisbon in 1735, in the 
seventy-seventh year of his age. 



NOVEMBER 1678. 263 

4 Much raine, and a very tempestuous night, and a 
foule wind ; so that wee are likely to have a longe 
passage to Cales. 

5 The sam bad wind and weather. At 10 I buryed 
in the sea Will. Potten, on of the carpenter s crue, 
who sickned at Portchmouth. 

8 Tempestuous weather, and the wind crosse. About 
2 this morning a sea struck our ship on the starboard 
quarter, as if it would have broake the ship ; cam 
quite over all, and pickled the men. 

9 This day wee met with a small vessell adrift. She 
was a Portegees, and laden with come, but not any 
on in her. The merchants that cam first to her 
tooke her sayls and yards^ and what else they pleased, 
and let her goe againe. 

(10^ I preacht a sermon on the quarter deck, of Faith, 
Hope, and Charity, from these woords — Our Father, 
which art in Heaven. 

12 Another fayre is kept on the quarter deck for our 
seamen. 

13 Fayre weather, but a crosse wind. This day 
dined with us the twoe fyre-ships' Captaines, and 
Capt. Petts^^ of the Store ship. Wee had an achbone 

•' The ancestors and relatives of this gentleman were succes- 
sively employed as builders of the Royal Navy for upwards of a 
century ; and it appears Captain Pett was at an early age in- 
troduced to the naval service of his country. From the mention 
made of him by Teonge, who describes him as ^^ of the Store- 
ship," it is probable that he did not at the period hold a commis- 
sion as Captain in the Royal Navy; and indeed there is no notice 
of him as holding that rank, in any of the lists of Commanders, 
that we have seen, until the year 1693. The following honour- 



NOVEMBER 1678. 264 

of good beife and cabidge ; a hinder quarter of mut- 
ton and turnips ; a hogg's head and haslett roasted ; 
3 tarts, 3 plates of apples, 2 sorts of excellent cheese : 
this is our short commons at sea. But wee had like 
to have had a bad supper ; for a little before 7 the 
Master left his candle burning in his cabin, which 
fjred a bunch of rosemary, and had like to have 
fyred the ship : and this also I take to be an ill omen 
of a bad, troublesom voyage. 

14 Wee discover a fleete of at least 40 sayle stand- 
ing as wee doe, but know not yet what they are. 

15 The fleete proves to be our Newfound Land fleete : 
the WoolHdge their convoy ; whoe gave us 3 cheares 
and 5 gunns. Wee give the sam ; and Capt. Diker- 
son^* cam on board us to see our Captaine. 

able mention is made of him in a letter from Dublin^ dated June 
the 4th, 1694 : — " On Saturday last arrived here the Soestdyke 
yatch. Captain Phineas Pett, Commander, from Chester, who 
brought over the Lord Chancellor Porter, the Lord Chief Justice 
Reynell, and several officers belonging to the new regiments now 
raising here. The day before she arrived, a ship under Ostend 
colours, carrying 14 guns and 6 peteraroes, came up with her, 
but soon after hoisted French colours, and bearing down, as if to 
board the yatch, poured into her a volley of great and small shot. 
Captain Pett, who had put every thing in readiness to receive 
the enemy, remained quiet until they had fired, and then plyed 
them so hotly vvdth 5 guns he had brought to bear upon them, 
and with all the small shot he could make, both of seamen and 
passengers, that the privateer tacked and stood away right before 
the wind, after several of her. men had been seen to drop. Cap- 
tain Pett in this spirited encounter lost but 3 men." 

^* Captain Richard Dickenson was made second lieutenant of 
the Swiftsure in 1665. On the 13th of June, 1667:, he was pro- 
moted to the command of the Joseph fire-ship. In the following 
year he returned to his former rank, and was appointed to the 



NOVEMBER 1678. 265 

16 A warme day, but still a crosse wind. 
(17) I preacht a sermon on the first petition ; Hallowed 
be thy name. 

18 At 10 this morning wee see land; viz. Mount 
Chega, neare Snt. Mary's Port. Tis a longe passage 

1 9 to Cales. A bad wind still. 

20 This morning wee mett 9 Hollanders. Their Ad- 
miral! saluted us with 9 gunns ; the Vice with 7 ; 
the Reare with 5. Wee answered so. 

2 1 This day I buryed in the sea Henry Spencer of 
Lankishyre, whoe gives all his pay, and what else he 
had, to his landlady at Portsmouth. 

22 Never longe that coms at last : wee cam to an 
anchor in Cales Roade at 8 ; where wee find the 
Pearle, and the Ruby, Enghsh frigotts. Severall 
salutes pass ; and 

23 I was kindly entertaind on shoare at Sir James 
Cuningham's house, an Enghsh gentleman. 



Rupert. In 1671 he was made first lieutenant of the Dread- 
nought, and in 1672 was once more appointed a second lieutenant 
on board the Royal Katherine, and soon afterwards promoted to 
be second Captain of the Royal Charles. In September, 1674, he 
was made Commander of the Hunter; on the 12th of April, 1678, 
of the Woolwich; and on the 17th of the same month, in the 
year 1680, of the Diamond. He sailed for the Mediterranean 
soon afterwards, and in the year 1682, being still on that station, 
was removed into the Tyger Prize, a ship of 40 guns, taken from 
the Algerines by the Rupert. Returning from the Streights, 
he was on the 23d of March, 1684-5, made Commander of the 
Oxford. He commanded a ship, or ships of the Hne, after the 
Revolution, but we cannot ascertain their names, and from the 
period of his removrJ to the Oxford his career is involved in un- 
certainty. 



NOVEMBER 1678. 266 

(24) No sermon to day; our Captaine dined on shoare. 
The Rupert, the Vice-Admirall to our fleete in the 
Straits, cam in hither this afternoone : wee gave her 
9 gunns ; shee returned 7. And 

26 The WooUige cam in to day, whoe had lost 3 of 
her convoy to the Argeareenes since wee left her and 
her fleete. 

At 4 wee are under sayle, and no sooner are wee 
so, but wee ran on board of a ship that lay by us, and 
broake off her bolt spHtt yard, and our top yard; and 
wee cam to an anchor again e on the outside of all 
the ships. The Captaine disliking som passages, 
had confined our Master to his cabin, as soone as wee 
cam to Cales. The Lord Mordant was instrumen- 
tall, and he hath left us, and is gon into the Rupert; 
and his Sunday's worke is com to nothinge. 

27 By 1 1 wee are under sayle for Tangeare ; wee 
have with us the Ann and Christopher fyre-ship, the 
Store ship, and 12 merchants. 

28 By 6 wee com to an anchor in Tangeare Roade. 
Wee find the Charles gaily, whoe had lately fought 
with the Argeareenes, and made an honorable re- 
treate, or else she had been taken. 

29 Mr. Peyton and I went a shoare, and were weU 
wetted ; the weather was so bad, that wee could not 
get on board againe. Here wee saw 5 Argeareenes 
goe by us into the Straits mouth ; and wee expect 
to fight them every howre. 

30 A little French vesseU was over sett in the har- 
bour ; and a boate and 5 men driven on the shoare 
to the Moores. AU bad fortune still. 



DECEMBER 1678. 267 

Dec. 1 This night wee got on board againe, but soundly 
wetted. 

3 By 8 wee are under sayle. God send us good luck ! 
but by all that hath happened as yet, I feare a trou- 
blesom voyage. At 10 wee salute the towne with 9 
gunns; they give us 11, which maks us woonder; wee 
give 5, they as many ; and wee give 5 more. Wee 
are 1 2 in all, have a fay re gale, and are at Giblitore by 3. 

4 The wind holds fayre, and by breake of day 
against Maligo, and calmed all the day after. Here 
wee see the Granado mountains, whose tops (with 
age or snow) are as white as milke. 

5 About two of the clock wee discover two sayles 
stand towards the shoare to crosse us. Wee make 
all things ready to fight. They put abroad the Eng- 
lish colours, but wee knew them to be Argeareenes. 
After they had vewed us awhile, they stood off to sea. 
Wee supposing they might fall upon us in the night, 
caused our Store ship to carry the light, and all the 
merchants to follow her closse, and our ship and the 
fyre-ship followed a good distance a starne, supposing 
that they would have fallen furiously eyther on us or 
the fyre ship ; which if they had done, they might 
(like the Scotchman) have taken a tartar : but they 
would not be so trepand, but left us. 

6 The wind is cleare against us, and wee strive in 
vaine. At last wee are forct to com to an anchor in 
Almajya Bay, just before the towne. 

7 The Spaniards wiU not suffer us to com on shoare, 
but they let us fetch water, and will sell us what 
conveniencys wee want. 



DECEMBER 1678. 268 

(8) Prayers, no sermon ; our Captaine not being on 
board. After dinner I went with our Captaine to 
the towne syde, but they would not give us leave to 
com a shoare. But they brought to us good wine, 
lemons, oringes, pom-cytrons, sheepe, henns, eggs, 
cole worts, &c. and sould them cheape enough. 

Tis a small towne, compassed with a pittifuU 
walle, which runns up to a castle that stands on the 
side of the hill, an old Maurisco building, and seems 
very stronge by its cituation. I saw no gunns ; but 
the report was, there were 4. The bay is very large 
and also deepe, full of fish and foule, and very com- 
modious for anchorage. Here wee Had also excel- 
lent oyle and salletts. 
9 Under sayle by 7, and by 1 1 wee passe by Cape 
Degat, with a fayre gale. 

10 In the afternoone wee passe by Carthageena and 
Cape Snt. Paule. 

1 1 And by on a clock at anchor in Aligant Roade ; 
where wee find severall merchants, whoe salute us, 
but not on man of warr. 

12 I went on shoare to see the place, and went almost 
to the castle ; but the steepnes of the hill forced mee 
to retreate. 

14 At 10 wee are under sayle ; only wee lye by till 
our Captaine came. This day wee begin to have to 
our 2d course at dinner, reasings, figgs, almonds, &c. 
(15) No prayers to day for sayling. By 10 wee com 
closse to the Hand called Firmateare, and in the 
afternoone by Iversy. 

1 6 Wee sayle by the Capareroes and Majorca, and are 



DECEMBER 1678. 2G9 

chased by 2 Argeareenes ; but they soone left us, 
and stood to sea. 
17 At on this morninge roase a frett of wind, which, 
in despite of all meanes that wee could use, drowned 
our longe-hoate, which was at the starne of our ship ; 
and w^hilst wee w ere busy in thinking to save the 
boate, wee lost sight of the 4 ships that were our 
companions ; but at night wee cam together againe 
with joy. 
2 1 Lamentable colde weather; and a crosse wind hath, 
these 4 days, driven us wee can scarce tell whither. 
But this morning wee can discover Mynorcha, or 
Minyorke : the wind scants againe. Wee keepe Snt. 
Thomas's fayre againe, for cloaths for the seamen. 
At 8 wee com to an anchor in Port Mahone Roade. 
(22) All our fleete are in this harbour ; and are joy- 
full at our arrivall, for they much wanted the ship 
of stores. And so much company cam on board us, 
that wee could not possibly have prayers. 

23 A rayny day, and very cold ; and wee not yet ad- 
mitted to com in. 

24 A fayre Chrismas Eve. The Prick Master cam 
on board to muster us. 

25 Good Chrismas Day. Wee goe to prayers at 10 ; 
and the wind roase of such a sudden, that I was 
forced (by the Captain's command) to conclude 
abruptly at the end of the Letany; and wee had no 
sermon. And soone after, by the carelessnes of som, 
our barge at starne was almost sunk, but recovered. 
Wee had not so greate a dinner as was intended, for 
the whole fleete being in this harbour, beife could not 



DECEMBER 1678. 270 

be gott. Yet wee had to dinner, an excellent rice 
pudding in a greate charger, a speciall peice of Mar- 
tinmas English beife, and a neat's tounge, and good 
cabbige, a charger full of excellent fresh fish fryde, 
a douzen of wood-cocks in a pye, which cost 15^., a 
couple of good henns roasted, 3 sorts of cheese ; and 
last of all, a greate charger full of blew figgs, almonds, 
and raysings ; and wine and punch gallore, and a 
douzen of English pippens. 

The wind was so high all this night, that wee 
ever expected when it would have broake our cable 
or anchor. But the greatest losse wee yet sustayned 
-was this: about i I or 12 a clock our honest Leiue- 
tenant, Mr. Will. New, dyed, and left a mornfull 
ship's company behind him. Yesterday our Capt. 
bought 3 Spanish hoggs : the rufFnes of the weather 
made them so sea sick, that no man could forbeare 
laughing to see them goe reeling and spewing about 
the decks. 

26 The weather is very ruff and could, and the wind 
contrary, so that wee can not get into the harbour. 
This afternoone wee put our leiuetenant into a coffin, 
but know not when wee shall bury him. 

27 Wee send to day to have leave to bury him on the 
shoare. 

28 This day wee carry his corps in the barge to a 
small iland lying in the harbour, which is given to 
the English to bury their dead uppon ; and there 
wee bury him. Severall peales of greate gunns rang 
his funerall kneU. After the solemnity I went on 
board our old ship the Assistance, which lay closse 



DECEMBER 1678. 271 

by the iland ; and was courteously entertayned by 
my old acquaintance Mr. Berry, the pursor there. 
(29) I preacht a funerall sermon for our Leiuetenant, 
whom wee buryed yesterday ; text, Gen. xlvii. 9. 
After dinner our Captaine tooke mee on shoare with 
him to the village under the castle (for wee ventred 
hard to bring our ship so farr in, and had almost 
ran her ashoare), and were boath nobly entertaind 
by Captaine Don Phillippo, captaine to the castle. 

30 And this morning wee warpe in to the fleete ; 

31 \Miere wee end the old yeare merily in wine, 
punch, and bran dee. 

Jan. 1 I was invited on board the Royal Oake by Mr. 
1678-9 EUis, the Chaplen. 

2 A fayre day, but very cold. I buryed on the 
iland WiUiam Biggs. 

3 I was invited on board the Assistance, to sup, by 
Mr. Mosse, Chaplen. - 

(5) Prayers, no sermon ; our Captaine indisposed. Sir 
Roger Strickland dined on board us. The Portland 
went hence for Lygorne. Cold weather. 

7 This day kept on shoare the festivall of Snt. An- 
tonio. A high day. The Assistance barge out 
rowed the Royal Oak barge this day. 

8 I went with our Captaine a walking beyond Port 
Mahone, to a place full of gardens ; and returning 
wee found a Spanyard hooking upp oysters, and 
bought som of him. Very cold weather. 

9 The Spanish galloons for their unciviHty are com- 
manded hence. 

10 Our new Leiutenant, Mr. George Mountegue, 



JANUARY 167B-9. 272 

sonn to the Lord Mountegue, cam on board us this 
day. ■ 

(12) Rayny and very cold weather. Prayers, no ser- 
mon for colde. 

13 A counsell of warr was held on board the Plym- 
mouth, our Admirall, concerning som misdemeanurs 
in our Master, Mr. Henry Sturke, whoe was confined 
to his cabin ever since wee cam from Cales, and was 
this day suspended from his place : and the next 
buisnes was concerning Sir Roger Strickland's re- 
moval into our ship, the BristoU, in regard his owne 
ship, the Mary, is disabled to indure the sea. And he 
being the Rear Admirall, may make choyce of what 
ship he liks best. And into what ship our Captaine 
is to goe, is not yet concluded. 

14 Tis resolved that our Captaine removes into the 
Roy all Oake ; a stately ship, and of great force. 
Rainy and very cold weather. 

16 This morning the 3 Captains exchange ships: 
Captain Killigrue'" out of the Royall Oake into the 

** This officer held so prominent a station in the naval trans- 
actions of the period^ that our mention of him must necessarily 
occupy a larger space than we have usually allotted to our 
biographical notices throughout the Volume. Captain Henry 
Killegrew was the grandson of Sir Robert Killegrew of Han- 
worth in the county of Middlesex ; and having early entered 
into the naval service, was in the year 1666 made lieutenant of 
the Cambridge. From this ship, in the following year, he was re- 
moved to the same station on board the Sapphire, and in 1668 
to the Constant Warwick. On the 9th of January, 1672-3, he 
was appointed Commander of the Forrester, and in the course of 
the following summer was removed, first into the Bonaventure, 
and afterwards into the Monk. On the 9th of March, 1674, he 
was made Captain of the Swan prize ; on the 22d of April, ] 675^ 



JANUARY 167S-9. - 273 

Mary, to goe home ; Sir Roger Strickland into the 
Bristoll ; and our Captaine Langston into the Royall 

of the Harwich ; and soon afterwards, upon the death of Captain 
Worden, he was promoted to the Henrietta. On the 7th of 
the following January he was made Captain of the Bristol, and 
shortly afterwards, while in the Mediterranean, removed into 
the Royal Oak ; from which ship he exchanged to the Mary, then 
ordered home, as related by our Author, and returned in her, 
having been absent on the Mediterranean station for several years. 
On the 3d of January following his arrival at Plymouth, he was 
removed into the Leopard, and again, on the 27th of the same 
month, into the Foresight In this vessel he appears to have re- 
mained stationary until May, 1683, when he was made Captain 
of the Montague ; and on the 20th of the same month, in the fol- 
lowing year, he was appointed Commander of the Mordaunt. 
His next ship was the Dragon, to which he removed on the 11th 
July, 1686, and was soon afterwards despatched with a small 
squadron to the Mediterranean, to which station he had been 
as it were habituated, in search of the Marquis de Fleury, whose 
piratical depredations had considerably interrupted our commerce. 
This personage, among other enormities, had captured a ship 
called the Jerusalem, which had on board a Bashaw on his way to 
Tripoli, and carried his prize into Malta, where he agreed wath 
the Bashaw for his ransom, and departed, leaving behind him 
the females of the Bashaw's seraglio, and other passengers, to the 
number of sixty-two, whose rate of ransom was not settled. 
Soon after the Marquis had sailed. Captain Killigrew arrived 
in quest of him, and, by his spirited interference with the 
Grand Master, procured their release. Not content with ren- 
dering them this service, he took them, and their effects, on 
board some of the ships of his squadron, and put them all safe 
on shore at Tripoli, whither they were originally bound. Having 
by this generous conduct excited a feeling highly advantageous 
to his country and the national character, he immediately sailed 
from Tripoli in quest of the Marquis; and receiving intelligence 
that he had put into Villa Franca, he directed his course thither, 
but found on his arrival that the Marquis had fled, having first 
completely dismantled his ship. The neighbouring coasts being 
consequently freed from any apprehension of future depredations. 



JANUARY 1678-9. 274 

Oake, a ship like him selfe. Now the flagg at the 
mizon top is hoysted on the BristoU, at which time 

Captain Killigrew returned to his post off Sallee; and on the 8th 
of December^ 1687:, being in chase of a Sallee frigate^, was severely 
wounded by the bursting of a gun, from which accident he how- 
ever speedily recovered. He remained on the Mediterranean 
station until the 3d of May, 1689, about six months after the 
Revolution had taken place at home; and almost immediately 
upon his return, his prudent and gallant conduct, added to the 
experience he had acquired by a long and active service, being 
universally acknowledged, he was promoted to the rank of Vice- 
Admiral of the Blue, and was soon afterwards detached in the 
Kent, to which he had shifted his flag, and a small squadron, 
consisting chiefly of armed ships hired from the merchants, to 
blockade the harbour of Dunkirk, in which it was reported a 
considerable number of French ships were collected : this infor- 
mation, however, proved incorrect, and he continued for some 
time to cruise up and down the Channel, without meeting with 
any occurrence worth relating. On the 23d of December fol- 
lowing. Admiral Killigrew was appointed Commander-in-chief 
of a squadron sent to the Mediterranean to oppose the Toulon 
fleet : the force under his orders consisted of twelve line of 
battle ships, a frigate, and two fire-ships, and he was joined also 
by a squadron belonging to the States General, under the com- 
mand of Admiral AUemande. Misfortune and disappointment 
seem to have attended this armament from the moment of its 
equipment : — meeting with contrary winds, and encountering re- 
peated storms, it was in the first place upwards of a month on 
its passage to Cadiz: upon the voyage, many of the English 
ships received considerable damage, and two Dutch men of war 
foundered. On the 9th of May, most of the ships being re- 
equipped as well as circumstances would permit, the Admiral 
received information that the Toulon fleet, consisting of 10 sail 
of the line, commanded by Chateau-Renaud, was at sea. He ac- 
cordingly sailed on the morning of the 10th, with seven English 
and two Dutch ships, being all that were in a condition for ser- 
vice, having previously despatched orders to Gibraltar for Captain 
Shelton, who lay there with a small squadron, to join him : on 
the day following the junction with Shelton's division, the Ad- 



JANUAiiY 1678-9. 275 

the Mary, Royall Oake, and Bristoll, fyre 21 gmms 
apeice ; and every Captaine departed from his old 

miral got sight of the French squadron, then off Ceiita Point, 
and Renaud, imagining his opponent's force to be weaker than 
it really was, suffered the headmost ships to approach within 
two miles of his van, when discovering his mistake, he instantly 
set his top-gallant sails, and cro^^'ded away with all the sail he 
could carry. The English immediately pursued, but were 
unable to come up with them, though they continued the chase 
until 10 o'clock the next day, when the rear of the enemy's squa- 
dron, being four leagues a-head of the English van, whose rear 
were hull down, the Admiral desisted from the hopeless pursuit, 
and brought-to for the scattered ships to join him, and in the 
evening bore away for Cadiz, whence, after detaching seve- 
ral of his ships upon dilFerent services, he prepared to return 
to England with the remainder of the squadron. The same ill 
fortune that attended him from the commencement of this ex- 
pedition continued to the last, being not less than thirty-five 
days on his passage to Plymouth, and upon his arrival there he 
found the French fleet in possession of the Channel, so that it 
was impossible for him to proceed farther. Notwithstanding 
the ill success of this expedition, the conduct of Admiral Killi- 
grew was so little open to censure, that it was found impossible 
to ascribe any cause for its failure to his behaviour or manage- 
ment, and he was immediately afterwards appointed one of the 
joint Admirals, with Sir R. Haddock and Sir J. Ashby, to com- 
mand the fleet in the absence of the Earl of Torrington ; and on 
the 29th of August following, he joined his coadjutors with the 
squadron under his command. The force of the joint Admirals, 
when united, consisted of 43 ships, exclusive of a Dutch fleet ; 
and as soon as they were victualled, and had taken on board the 
Earl of Marlborough and 5000 land forces, they sailed for Ireland, 
having previously sent their first and second rates to Chatham. 
The Admirals were then necessitated to remove their flag into 
the Kent, a third-rate. The fleet arrived at Cork on the 21st 
of September, and after a short contest with a battery erected 
by the Irish at the entrance of the harbour, from which, how- 
ever, they were soon driven, the Earl of Marlborough and his 
troops were landed in perfect safety. The siege of Cork was 

T 2 



JANUARY 1678-9. 276 

ship, and was also received into his new ship, with 
3 cheares, and drumms beating, and trumpetts sound- 
terminated by its surrender on the 29th of the same months and 
the season being too far advanced to fear any attempt at annoy- 
ance from the enemy's fleet, or to trust any longer, with prudence, 
so many ships on so dangerous a station, the joint Admirals were 
ordered to return, leaving behind them a small squadron, under 
the command of the Duke of Grafton, to assist the future opera- 
tions of the army. The fleet accordingly arrived in the Downs 
on the 8th of October, the service having been performed in as 
little time, the season considered, as the voyage alone usually oc- 
cupies. Upon the return of the fleet into port for the winter, 
the Commissioners resigned their command; and, on the 23d of 
December following, Admiral Killigrew was promoted to the 
rank of Admiral of the Blue, and served in . that station in the 
grand fleet during the following year. During the year 1692 Kil- 
ligrew does not appear to have held any command, but in 1693 
he was again called to act as joint Commander of the fleet, in 
conjunction with Sir Cloudesley Shovel and Sir Ralph Dela- 
Tal ; on the 15th of April he was also appointed one of the Com- 
missioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, and 
we now approach the termination of his professional career. In 
the month of May following, the Smyrna fleet, consisting of 400 
sail of merchant ships, under the convoy of Sir George Rooke 
with a strong squadron, sailed from the Downs : in addition to 
the regular convoy, the grand fleet under the command of the 
joint Admirals saw the convoy fifty leagues to the south-west 
of Ushant, and, having no longer any apprehension of danger, re- 
turned. The French, however, wishing to strike a signal blow 
to our commerce, that might in some measure palliate their dis- 
grace at La Hogue, had pitched on Lagos Bay as the rendez- 
vous of their squadrons from Brest and the Mediterranean : here 
they lay as it were in ambuscade, and at the proper moment 
sallied upon their unsuspecting prey. Had the scheme been exe- 
cuted with the same dexterity with which it was planned, the 
consequences would have been fatal to the whole fleet ; as it was, 
more than three parts of it were preserved. This unfortunate 
event was charged principally to the mismanagement of the 
joint Admirals; but, upon a strict inquiry into their conduct by 



JANUARY 1G78-9. 277 

ing, God send us all good luck ! but still it puts us 
all to much trouble. 
17 The Assistance is gon to convoy merchants to 
Scanderoond. Colde. And this day my orders for 
the Royall Oake were signed. 

1 9 Prayers ; no sermon. This being the first Sunday 
that our Captaine was on board the Royall Oake, 
our boatswaine made tlie ship woondrous fine, with 
a pendent at every yard arme, in all 25 pendents. 
Many Spanyards cam on board to see our ship. I 
was their usher, and had many thanks. 

20 About 5 I was invited, with the rest of the Chap- 
lens, to the funerall of Mr. Toogood, our victuellor, 
whoe dyed at Mahone. Wee went all to the house 
where he dyed, and brought out the corps in a coflSn, 
and thus were placed, (the whole towne gazing at our 
formality). 8 trumpetts went first ; the Chaplens 
went next by 2 and 2 ; next the corps borne by 6 
seamen, the pawle being borne up by 10 Pursors ; 
then the Captaines ; next the Leiuetenants and Chy- 
rurgions, 2 and 2. Thus wee carryed him through 
the towne, and down to the water, where wee were 
mett by our Admirall, Sir John Norbrough, and our 
Reare Admirall, Sir Roger Strickland, and all the rest 

the House of Commons, a motion tending to affix a censure upon 
them was unanimously negatived. Ill success, and the general 
reputation of being unfortunate, have always been considered 
sufficient grounds for the retirement of a commander. The in- 
quiry consequently produced the dismissal of Admiral Killigrew 
and Sir Ralph Delaval. Admiral Killigrew was afterwards 
chosen representative in Parliament for St. Albans, and died 
at his seat, near that place, on the 9th of November, 1712. 



JANUARY 1678-9. 278 

of the commaunders in the fleete ; and thence wee 
carryed him in a barge (all the other barges following) 
to the little iland, our burying place, the gunns 
from all the ships fyring till wee cam thither ; and 
haveing finished the ceremony, the trumpetts sounded 
3 levetts at the grave, and every on returned to his 
owne ship soundly wett and colde* 

23 These 3 days wee are fitting out our ship, and 
breaming her ; with which Mr. Peyton was frighted 
out of his cabin. This night our Leiuetenant Moun- 
tegue made grande festo for all the Leiutenants in 
our state-roome, where our Captaine, and two more 
Captaines, were Leiutenants for that night. 

24 This afternoone cam in the Happy Returne from 
England, Sir Will. Poole ^^ commander, and v/ith 

^^ This gentleman was a descendant of an ancient and honour- 
able family established at Poole in Cheshire. The period of his 
entering the service is not ascertained^, biit^ soon after the Resto- 
ration^ we find him appointed by the Duke of York to the com- 
mand of the Martin. In 1661 he was promoted to the Charity 
of forty-six guns, and in 1663 he commanded the Advice. After 
removing to several ships, during the years 1663, 1665, 1666^ 
and 1669, we find him towards the close of 1672 in the Saint 
David, acting as Commodore of the expedition sent against To- 
bago, the land forces being under the command of Sir Tobias 
Bridges; and it appears that to the personal exertions of Captain 
Poole the success of the expedition was chiefly to be attributed. 
The troops being landed, in their first attempt, either through 
the ignorance or treachery of the guides, in a place extremely 
unfavourable to future operations, and in momentary danger of 
being utterly cut off". Captain Poole went himself on shore to su- 
perintend their re- embarkation, which was thereby effected with- 
out loss; and on the following day, December 19, 1672, the troops 
were re^landed, under cover of the Saint David, after she had en- 
dured a most tremendous fire from all the batteries for more than 



JANUARY 1678-9. 279 

him the noble Duke of Grafton, on of our King's 
naturall sonns by the Contesse of Castlemaine, a 
brisk young man, who coms to see fashons. ^^ Nothing 
but cold raine and sharp winds. 

five hours. The success attending this action was as complete as 
the undertaking was brilliant; a capitulation was immediately- 
proposed, and the island surrendered without farther bloodshed : 
for this service he was rewarded with the honour of knight- 
hood by his Sovereign. On the 27th of February, 1676, the 
King, who, since the passing of the Test Act, and the consequent 
retirement of the Duke of York, had undertaken to manage the 
affairs of the Navy himself, commissioned Sir William Poole to 
the command of the Leopard, in which ship, with a Commodore's 
pendant, he was sent to Newfoundland ; and from thence at the 
close of the year sailed, as is customary, with the convoy for the 
Streights, and returned to England with the Streights fleet 
under his protection, in the month of May following. On the 
11th of September, 1678, he was appointed to the Happy Return, 
and again sent to the Streights, where he continued for some 
time, and on the 21st June, 1685, was removed to the Samuel 
and Mary, which appears to have been the last ship he ever 
commanded. 

®^ A natural son of Charles II., by Barbara Villiers, Countess of 
Castlemaine, subsequently created Duchess of Cleveland. He was 
born in 1663, and married on the 1st of August, 1672, to the 
daughter of Lord Arlington (afterwards Earl of Sunderland), then 
only five years of age : they were re-married on the 16th Novem- 
ber, 1679. Upon the former occasion, Evelyn says, " This sweetest, 
hopefuUest, and most beautiful child, and most vertuous too, was 
sacrificed to a boy that had been rudely bred, without any thing 
to encourage them but his Majesty's pleasure ;" and upon the re- 
marriage, Evelyn, who was present at the ceremony, says, '^ My 
love to my Lord Arlington's family and the sweet child made me 
behold all this with regret ; tho', as the Duke of Grafton affects 
the sea, to which I find his father intends to use him, he may 
emerge a plain, useful, and robust officer, and were he polished, 
a tolerable person ; for he is exceeding handsome, by far sur- 
passing any of the King's other natural issue." The first and 



JANUARY 1678-9. 280 

(26) Prayers ; no sermon. Thanks to God that wee 
are in a good harbour ! The Spanyards say they 
never had such a winter. 

27 This day an Irish man (whoe had beene master of 
a ship of 30 tunn, and was taken by the Argeareenes) 
made his escape from Argeare, and cam to sea him- 
selfe in a small boate, with a Httle rusks and water ; 
and in 10 days time arrived heare, so weake that he 
could not stand at the first coming. Twas a strainge 
Providence. 

28 Ther cam and dined on board us 16 Spanish 
women, with their husbands and children. They 
tooke our ship for Noah's Arke, for the uncleane 
beasts cam in by payrs. After dinner they all danced 
after their strainge fashon, viz. 2 and 2 together, 
only at on time. Twas a very joviall day, and the 
Duke himselfe cam to see their dancing : our Cap- 
taine was a greate favorite to the Spanyards, and so 

only son of this marriage was born in November, 1683. Burnet 
gives the following account of the Duke : — " He had been some 
- time at sea^ and was a gallant, but rough man. He had more 
spirit than any other of the King's sons, and made an answer to 
the King his uncle, about this time, that was much talked of. — 
The King took notice of somewhat in his behaviour tha|^ looked 
factious, and said he was sure he could not pretend to act upon 
principles of conscience ; for he had been so ill-bred, that as he 
knew little of religion, so he regarded it less : the Duke replied, 
that though he had little conscience, yet he was of a party that 
had conscience." 

The Duke being with the Earl of Marlborough at the siege 
of Cork, in September 1690, received a wound as he was lead- 
ing a party of grenadiers to the assault of a breach, and died 
on the 9th of the following month, in the twenty-eighth year of 
his age« 



JANUARY 1678-9. 281 

had that greate favour of the women's company, for 
they went to no ship but ours. 

30 A sollemn day, and wee keepe it accordingly with 
jacks and pendents loared halfe way, and prayers ; 
and fyring of gunns at night. 

31 I went on shoare to Mahone, and was courteously 
entertained by the Franciscans, at their Convent; 
and this day our Leiuetenant's toome is finished ; 
and on the head-stone, very handsomly, this Epitaff 
was ingraved : 

Fortis in hoc tumulo Gulielmus New jacet, Anglus, 
Hectoriasque manus, corque leonis habens. 

Nobilis hie natu ; fortuna splendidus ; ultro 
Dispergens libere ; cuique benignus erat : 

Divinare licet nunc hujus Religionem ; 

Proh dolor ! huic puppis vix habet ulla parem. 

Henricus Teonge. 

Antonius Langston mcestissimus hoc posuit ; 
December 28, 1678. 

Feb. (2) Good Candlemas Day. Very cold. Wee are com- 
manded to fetch water all day, and have not time 
for prayers. 
4 Very cold weather. This is on of the most joviall 
days in the yeare, on the shoare. AU people are 
eyther in the open streets, or at their doores. The 
men fling oringes at the women, and they fling 
cringes or water at the men ; and tis a greate favor 
if you are hitt with any of them : this they doe all 
the day longe, and no exception is to be taken at any 
thing ; and they are most esteemed that make the 
most myrth. At night they sing, and dance, and 



FEBRUARY 1678-9. 282 

banquet, till twelve a clock; and then they begin 
their Lent. This is Shrove Tuesday with them ; and 
after this day they use no manner of merriment. 

7 Raine and snow ; very cold these days. This day 
I buried 2 out of our ship : John Parr and John 
Woolger. I think they weie little better then 
starved to death with cold weather. 

8 Collyer and Coolin went to fight, but were loath 
to hurt on the other, and so cam back, like 2 fooles, 
well drunken. 

(9) Prayers; no sermon. I buryed our Captain's 
cabin boy, Imanuell Dearam. The Captain cam on 
the iland at the sam instant. 

10 Our Admirall cam from the towne, and anchored 
without Bloody Iland, for his better conveniency of 
sayling out. 

11 1 buryed Samueli Ward, who had layn sick a longe 
time. 

12 4 of our ships are gon to day to cruse before 
Argeare, viz. the Nonsuch, Phoenix, Sefayre, and 

' Oringe Tree, an Argereene prize. 

13 A consultacion about goeing to Argeare. 

14 Provisions are brought on board our ship all this 
day ; and our noble Duke of Grafton (intending as 
is supposed for the sea) begins his warr like exployts ; 
whoe, with his owne pinnace and on more, is to fight 
Sir John Earnly's ^^ barge and longe boate, and our 

^^ He was made Lieutenant of the Rainbow in 1664, of the 
Hampshire in 1670^ and of the Rupert in 1671 : the last com- 
mission was conferred upon him by Sir Edward Spragge^ under 
whose command he then was in the Mediterranean. In June 



FEBRUARY 1678-9. 283 

barge, in the nature of Argeareenes. They turne 
for the advantage of the wind, at least an howre : at 
last the .fight began very furiously ; severall broad 
syds passe, with musketts, blunder-bushes, and pe- 
taiTeroes, and squibbs and crackers, hke hand gra- 
nadoes ; this continus at least an howre. Then at 
last (as it was ordered before) Sir John Earnly's 
squadron is worsted; his long-boat driven on shoare, 
where they forsake their vessells, but maintaine them 

1671j lie was appointed Comptroller of the Navy^ as successor to 
Sir Thomas Allen ; and was shortly after promoted to the com- 
mand of the Dover^ from which ship he was removed^ before the 
conclusion of the year, into the Revenge. When, in 1673, Prince 
Rupert was appointed Admiral and Commander-in-chief of the 
fleet. Sir John Ernely was promoted to the Henry — a mark of 
favour he proved himself deserving of, by his conduct on the lltli 
of August of the same year, being one of the thirteen officers, 
who, towards the latter end of the engagement with the Dutch 
on that day, supported his patron in the most distinguished 
manner, when attacked by De Ruyter with his whole division. 
On the 21st of July, 1674, he was appointed Commander of the 
Foresight; on the 2d of April, 1677^ removed into the Woolwich j 
and on the 14th of September following, he was nominated, 
pro tempore, one of the Commissioners for executing the office of 
Lord High Admiral. Notwithstanding he held this elevated 
office, he continued actively engaged in the naval service, and, on 
the 28th of October, is noticed as one of the Captains under the 
command of Sir John Narborough on the Mediterranean ser- 
vice. Sir John Ernely returned thence the following spring, 
and arrived at Portsmouth on the 19th of March, with but a 
few ships under his convoy, the fleet having been* dispersed by 
a violent gale of wind in the Bay of Biscay. Immediately 
on his arrival he was removed into the Defiance, and returned 
to his old station in the Mediterranean, whence he returned 
again with a convoy in the May following. His subsequent 
proceedings cannot be traced with any degree of certainty. 



FEBRUARY 1678-9. 284 

a good while by their small shott from behinde the 
rocks. At last the Duke takes the boats with his 
artilery and fyre balls, and so the fight ends (very 
pleasant to behold). And they all goe on board Sir 
Roger Strickland to dinnar in the Bristoll, whoe, to 
entertaine the Duke, caused his ship to be adorned 
with new wast cloaths, and a pendent at every yard 
arme, which, as soone as the Duke cam on board, were 
all lett fly at once ; and fy red 1 3 gunns of the lower 
teare. There they make merry ; but though the 
fight was only in gest, yet many of them were hurt 
by accident, and burnt with fyre-balls. 
(16) Prayers to day; no sermon. At 8 this morning 
departed Sir John Norbrough in the Plymmouth, 
Sir John Earnly in the Defyance, Sir William Poole 
in the Happy Returne, the Ann and Christopher 
fyre ship, and a sloope ; all for Argeare. Here are 
left, for to gett in provision, the Royall Oake, the 
Mary, Bristoll, Homer, the store-ship, the small 
Argereene, and the Fanfan. 
17 18 19 20 Good weather these days. The King's Fisher 
and James gaUy cam in to day from Lygorne, with 
severall merchants. 

21 They all goe a way betim this morning, to carry 
an expresse that cam out of England to Lygorne in 
16 days time, and is to be delivered to Sir John 
Norbrough's owne hands. 

22 Tis a very high wind, and colde. About 8 in the 
morne 1 5 barrells of powder blew up, and other in- 
gredients for fyre works, that belonged to the little 
Argereene fyre ship. They were in a cave, closse 



FEBRUARY 1678-9. ' 285 

by the Mary : the force of it did much shake the 
Mary, and all the ships that were any thing neare. 
(23) Prayers ; no sermon. This morning departed 
hence Sir Roger Strickland, in the BristoU. Our ship 
saluted him with 1 1 gunns ; he answered 9 : wee 
gave 5 more, he the like : wee gave him 3, he on. 
He tooke with him the Homer fyre ship : boath for 
Argeare. 

26 The 2 last days wee got som bread and porke. 
This day I buryed John Wilkinson, the carpenter's 
mate. 

28 This afternoone our Captaine, Leiutenant Munke, 
and myselfe, goe into Should-water Bay, where wee 
gett rosemary, whetstons, and red shells, called star- 
kasarks ; and so com on board againe. 
March 1 Snt. Taffy's Day, and many in our ship doe ware 
leeks. 
(2) Snt. Chadd's Day. Wee had prayers; no sermon. 

I went to see the English Cove.' 
3 Wee make all things ready now to sayle : want 
only provision. 

5 Very cold days. I buryed Izaak Maule, a Sweade. 

6 And this day I buryed Samuell Massy. 

7 Severall Spanyards com on board, to bid us addue 
(as they call it); and last night som passengers cam 
to goe with us. 

8 By 8 this morning wee are under sayle. Deus 
nobiscum! A Spanyard coming on board to sell 
milke (not minding to goe off in the boate, when he 
might have gon), was forced to goe alonge with us ; 
whom wee sent back from Firmiteare. The Date 



MARCH 1678-9 286 

Tree went with us, whoe lost her maine top mast as 
soone as shee was out of the mouth of the harbour ; 
which in the fall broake also her mizon top mast. 
At 5 wee see Majorca, and are not out of the sight 
of our beloved Minorca. 
(9) Instead of prayers this morning, (being closse 
under Majorca), wee are quartering our men in their 
severall stations, in case wee should meete with an 
enemy. This day I buryed in the sea WiUiam Wat- 
son, belonging to the carpenter's crue. 

After 9 at night, a lusty ship coming up with us, 
gave us a sudden alarme ; every on that could 
snatcht up a liiuskett. I went up on the top of the 
poope with my staff gunn, and stood by our Leiu- 
tenant Munk, who hayled the ship, and commaunded 
them to com on board us. They refusing, as wee 
thought, he bad mee fyre at them, which I did : 
then they immediatly loard their top-sayle ; but they 
makeing no haste to com on board us, our Captaine 
commanded to fyre a gunn from our quarter deck 
. athwart their hawse. Then the master cam on board. 
Shee was a French vessell, and brought us the good 
news how that the Safer had forced Treguee, the 
Dey's sonn of Argeare, to run on shoare, and had 
burnt his ship : it was don about Oron, and on Tues- 
day last, March 4th. This was welcom news. 

The best passage was, that wee had a Fryar with 
us, whoe, haveing bin drinking wine, was grone a 
little valiant, and he had got a musket in his hand, 
and a' coller of bandeleares about him : and to see 
him stand in his white coate, ball'd pate, his muskett 



MARCH 1678-9. 287 

in his hand, and the 12 Apostles rattling about him, 
was a sight which caused much laughter. 

10 The wind so crosse, that wee are but 5 leages 
more then wee were the last night. 

11 A fresh gale brings us to the sight of Firmiteare, 
where wee intend to cutt wood. 

12 At 2 this morning wee discover 3 or 4 ships in the 
Bay: they had also discovered us, and sent in on 
ship to anchor, as a duckcoy to draw us in, thinking 
to imbay us, and catch us. About 5 this morning, 
wee (not fearing as many more ships) made dyrectly 
into the Bay to that ship. Coming neare her^ shee 
put abroade the English colours : wee then did the 
same. The 3 other ships, also, that thought to take 
us in that pinfold, cam also into the Bay. It proved 
to be Sir Roger Strickland in the Bristoll, the Cen- 
turion, the Hampshyre, and Captaine Carter ^^ in the 
Defiance. They all leave us that day, and were 
bound for Port Mahone, by wliom wee sent back the 
Spanyard that sould milke ; they tooke the fyre ship 
ivith them. 

This morning, about 9, I went with the rest a 
woodding upon this iland of Firmiteare, Tis, as tis 

^ Captain Richard Carter, the gentleman here spoken of by 
the worthy Chaplain, was appointed first Lieutenant of the Cam- 
bridge in 1672, and in the following year was promoted to the 
command of the Success. From this ship he was shortly after- 
wards farther promoted by Prince Rupert to the Crown, a fourth- 
rate of forty-two guns. In the month of June, Captain Carter 
was detached by his Highness, in company with the Nightingale, 
Captain Harris, to cruize off the coast of Zealand. On their 
return to the fleet, they fell in with three large Dutch frigates. 



MARCH 1678-9. 288 

sayd, 18 miles longe and 6 in breadth ; and tis sayd 
no inhabitants live there but Bandectoes, viz. such as 
are banisht their native countrys for som misde- 

to the eastward of the Galloper, about three o'clock in the morn- 
ing of the 8th of June. The Dutch ships, the largest of which 
mounted forty-four guns, the two others thirty guns each, had 
the advantage of the weather-gage. About five o'clock the 
action commenced, and continued with great spirit on both sides 
for upwards of three hours ; when the Dutch, finding the contest 
evidently to their disadvantage, hauled in their wind and made 
for their own coast, which they were fortunate enough to reach 
in safety, notwithstanding the Crown and her consort pursued 
them for seven hours with all the sail they could make. On the 
12th of April, 1675, he was appointed Captain of the Swan ; 
from which ship he was, on the 7th of January, 1678, removed 
into the Centurion, and in the month of March following was 
sent to the Streights, under the orders of Sir John Ernely, in 
the Defiance, as convoy to a fleet of merchant ships. Upon this 
station Ca^Dtain Carter remained a considerable time ; and we 
find him, in the month of November, 1679, serving on shore under 
his old friend and commander, Admiral Herbert, in the defence 
of Tangier, then severely pressed by the Moors, in which service 
he was slightly wounded. After his return home, he was not 
again employed until the 3d of August, 1688, when, upon the 
' eve of the Revolution, he was appointed Commander of the Ply- 
mouth ; which ship, notwithstanding his attachment to the in- 
terest of King James, he continued to command after the Revo- 
lution had taken place, and was present in her at the engage- 
ment off Beachey Head. In this affair he led the van of the Red 
Squadron, and received considerable damage, by which means he 
in some measure escaped the general censure that followed the 
termination of that action. In 1692 he was promoted to be 
Rear Admiral of the Blue, and on the 14th of April was des- 
patched to cruise off the French coast, with a squadron consisting 
of eleven line of battle ships, seven frigates, three fire-ships, and 
some small vessels. The object of the expedition was to des- 
troy any single ships or small squadrons he might discover under 
Cape la Hogue, or off Havre; but information having been re- 
ceived that the French were preparing to put to sea in great 



MARCH IG78-9. 2«9 

meQurs. But anotlier gentleman and my selfe, only 
with our gunns in our hands, went not so little as 
miles on the iland too and froe, and not any man- 
kinde. Wee found places where fyres had been 
made, and where people had made little hutts under 
trees to lye in ; wee found places where conys had 
scratt, and asses or mules muck, and much rooting 
and muck of hoggs and capereroes. But wee saw 
not on liveing creture of any of these ; till at the 
last I saw a caparetto through the bushes, and was 
levelling my gunn at her ; at the same time the gen- 
tleman with mee, lookeing earnestly that way that I 
was poynting my gunn, saw a kid. Boath shott 

force, orders for his return to the fleet were despatched after 
him, on the 20th and 23d of the same month. On the 9th of 
May he met Sir Ralph Delaval, who had been detached with a 
small squadron in search of him, and they both fortunately joined 
Admiral Russell on the 13th, six days before the battle of La 
Hogue j in which he fell, strenuously maintaining and support- 
ing the character of a brave man, and died while endeavouring 
to infuse into his people a spirit of gallantry by exhortation, 
when personal exertion was no longer in his power. It is a me- 
lancholy reflection, that the character of such a man should have 
been impugned, on the score of loyalty and patriotism ; yet such 
was the case, and the very period of his death was fixed upon by 
his enemies as the aera of his delinquency : thus, he was charged 
with having, during the whole period of his command, furnished 
the exiled King with information relative to every motion of 
the fleet ; and that he had actually received from him a bribe 
of 10,000/., which was to be the purchase of his desertion in the 
hour of action. The behaviour of Captain Carter affords, how- 
ever, a triumphant proof of his integrity and honour, and the 
circumstances attending his death are a complete refutation of 
the malicious imputations that were endeavoured to be fastened 
upon his memory. 

U 



MAKCH 1678-9, 290 

together ; I kill'd the dam, and he the kid, and with 
much a doe wee carryd them to our boate, but were 
very much tyred, for it was at least 2 miles off. I 
gathered also at least a pound of rosin from on 
bough. Here is excellent good ground ; rosmary in 
abundance, fyr trees, pyne, juniper, and 'tis said som 
cedar trees. 

Wee cam not to an anchor, but sayled too and froe 
in the Bay all the day. At night haveing gott our 
wood on board, wee put to sea. Here was buryed 
William Foster, of the carpenter's crue. 

1 3 According to our orders yesterday, wee sayle back 
towards Majorca ; and wee have so fayre a gale that 
wee are at anchor in the Roade of Majorca at 5 in 
the afternoone, and salute the towne with 7 gunns. 
They answer'd not at all : at which our Captaine 
was very angry. 

14 At 8 this morning, the Vice-Roy (hearing how ill 
it was taken that .they did not answer the King of 
England's man of war) commanded 4 gunns to be 
fyred ; foure had pleas'd us as well. 

15 A fayre day, but our Captaine, haveing taken colde 
at Firmateara, was bad last night, and continues 
worse to day. 

(16) The wind favouring wee are under sayle by 8, and 
for AUgant ; but our Captaine is worse than he was. 
Yet wee had divine service ; and the Fryar I spake 
of before sate by mee all the while very devoutly. 
J 7 Twas a very tempestuous night, and a hard gale. 
W^ee discover a fleete of ships : they proved to be 
Hollanders, 1 5 sayle, and bound for Aligant. At 1 2 



MARCH 1678-9. 291 

wee are over against Orlandoes Gapp. Our Captain 
continues very ill ; and I begin to feare his death. 
And this night I sate up by his bed syd all night. 
Many times he would talk very lightsom, and pre- 
sently againe he would talke light headed, 

18 By 4 this morning wee com to anchor in Aligant 
Roade ; where wee find Dutch, French, Spanyards, 
but not on English ship. 

1 9 Our Captaine is now past all hopes of recovery. 
This is the 7th, and he'l not (wee feare) see another. 
The wind is crosse, else wee had sayled this day. 

Brave Captaine Antony Langston dyed a very 
little after 10 a clock this night. I stood by his bed 
syde when he breathed his last. I went immediatly 
to my cabin, and wrote this distich, and presented it 
to Mr. Cullen, there present, and the cheifest of 
the English merchants at Aligant. 

Antonius Langston Generosus (proli dolor!) ille 

Quern nemo potuit vincere^ morte jacet. 

Obijt 10'°'' 9"** die Martij, paulo post 10^™ liorajn vesp'tinam, 

A. D. 1678. 

20 About sun-setting wee went out about 2 leages to 
sea, carrying our Captaine in our barge, and there 
put him over-board, for wee have no burying place 
on shoare. Wee were accompanyd with 8 more 
boats ; and all the commaunders of the Hollanders 
and English in the Roade, and all the English mer- 
chants in Aligant. At our going off our ship fyred 
40 gunns; the Hollanders at least 100. The sol- 
lemnity hemg over, all the company cam back to our 

u 2 



MARCH 1678-9. 292 

ship, where wee had an excellent collation, and plenty 
of wine. After all this, I presented the cheife of 
them with a coppy of these verses. 

And thus far, you can not but say, wee have had 
a voyage of trouble. I pray to God that the worst 
of it is past now. 

EPITAPH. 

Antonius Langston Generosiis (proh dolor!) ille 

Quern nemo potuit vincere^ morte jacet. 

Obiit decimo nono die Martij, paulo post deci- 

mam horam vesp'tinam. An: D'm*' 1678-9. 

In Ohitum ejus Carmen Fnnebre. 
Non tibi luce quies, nee erat tibi tempore noctis ; 

Dura fuit pariter nox, et amara dies. 
Lux tibi Christus adest (peccati nocte relicta,) 

Nee dolor uUus erit^ sed sine fine quies. 
Pro terris coelum ; post luctus gaudia nactus : 

Ossa tegit fluctus ; spiritus astra petit. 
Vita beata satis^ dum vix'ti vivere Christo ; 

Sed summo melior vivere vita Deo. 
Cur tristes decorent lacrymse tua funera ? Dorm is 

In Domino^ dum te litua clara vocet. 
Dulce jugum Domini est patienter ferre ; tulisti^ 

Euge, ferox cessat pugna ; corona manet. 

Sharpe was the day^ and bitter was the nighty, 

And boath were tedious^ cause thy paines were stronge ; 
Now Christ is come, and brings to thee his light. 

Dispelling sinn's dark night, though that were longe : 
Now neyther griefe torments, nor pains offend ; 
Now rest is come ; such rest as hath no end. 
Now hast thou heaven for earth : O happy change ! 

For grj.eie thou now ay-lasting joys hast gott. 
Thy soule amidst the blessed troops doth rainge. 
Although thy bones in boystrous billows rott. 
Happy thy life, whoe liveing livdst to Christ ; 
Happyer thy death, who dead, livst with the Highst ! 



MARCH 1678-9. 293 

Then why should mournful! teares bedew thy tombe ? 

Full sweetly now thou sleepest in the Lord, 
Untill shrill-sounding-trump at day of Doome 
Doe raise all flesh according to his word : 

Sweete tis to beare God's yoake, though 't bee som paines : 
Thou didst ; the fight is past, the crowne remaines. 

Henricus Teonge, Mcestissimus. 



21 This morninge (according to my promise last night) 
I went a shoare and was very courteously entertained 
by Mr. CuUen ; and 

22 By 9 wee are under sayle, and for England, God 
wiUing. God send us weU thither, for now our myrth 
is past the best ! 

I buryed Francis Forrest, as tis said eaten to death 
with lyce. As wee went out of this Roade, the 
Woolwich cam in with 10 merchants, of which 5 cam 
from them and sayled with us. 

(23) So great a fog that wee are faine to ring our bells, 
beate drumms, and fyre musketts often, to keep us 
from falling foule on upon another. Wee had 
prayers ; after which I buryed Joseph Pearson. 
About 3 the Woolwich and her 5 merchants com 
and joyne with us ; so that now wee doe not feare 
all the pickaroons in Turca. Shee cam to our starne, 
and wee saluted her with 7 guns and 3 cheares, shee 
did the same ; wee gave her 3 more, shee did the 
same ; wee thanked them with on more, she did so 
too ; and so wee sayle together. Deus nobiscum sit^ 
'precor .' At 6 a thick fogg, and wee aU lay by ; and 

24 About on a clock this morning wee make sayle 
againe. At 11 wee are with a small gale over 



MAUCH 1679. 294 

against Cape Snt. Paule. At 2 fell a greate fog 
againe, and much hindred us. At 6 wee com before 
Carthageene, and a merchant that lay there cam out 
to us, and made our number 20. 

25 Our Lady Day ; and wee begin the yeare with 
1679. prayers. A very foule wind all these days. 

28 Our two Leiftenants and other officers take a 
noate of all Captaine Langston's things, and lock 
them all up. 
(30) No prayers, the weather was so very bad ; and 
wee are faine to dine, not at a table, but lying 
upon the deck. And wee have not yet passed Car- 
thageene. 

31 By 12 to day wee are past Table Round. At 2 
there cam in to us the Phoenix and the Seafar, shee 
having a Turk's antient under the English, which 
shee tooke from the vessell which shee latly forced on 
shoare, and burnt. And this night these 2 ships 
left us againe. They brought us the ill news of the 
Moores taking 2 forts at Tangeare, and carryd away 
the heads of the men they kild there. 
April 1 Very fayre weather. And wee are past Cape de 
Gatt, and got into Almarya Bay, but not likely to 
gett out this night. Here wee mett a rich English 
fleete, of above 20 sayle ; som for Zante, som for 
Smyrna, som for Scanderoond. Severall salutes passe 
on boath syds. At 5 the wind being crosse, all our 
fleete com to an anchor in Almarya Bay, and just 
before a pittifull castle, called Rocketta, not worth 
the name of a castle. 
4 By 6 wee are all under saile, but the wind soon 



APRIL 1679. 295 

slacked, and wee all cam back againe, but cam not 
to an anchor. 

5 This morne wee are all benighted in a thick fogg. 
At 6 at night the wind was so stronge, that it splitt 
om' sayls. 

(6) No prayers, the weather was so very bad ; for it 
splitt our maine top mast, and also our fore top 
mast. I buryed Isaac Webb out at the gunn-roome 
porte. All our carpenters are at woorke at the 
masts. 

7 A little after 2 wee com to an anchor againe 
before Rocketta, in 24 fathom water ; for wee can- 
not get out of this Bay. At 12 this night wee gett 
up our maine top mast ; and tis strange to them 
that have never seen it, to consider how a peice 
of timber of that length and thicknes (viz. 1 9 inches 
through) should be made to stand on the top of 
another peice, and to beare that stresse. The main 
mast is 32 yards in length. The main top mast on 
the top of that is 21 yards and a foote. The 
top gallant above that is 8 yards and on foote. So 
that from the bottom to the top, there is three 
score yards and 5 foote, besyds the flagg- staff, 
which at the least is 6 yards in length. 

1 Here wee lye still wind bound. Wee put up our 
new fore top mast. 

12 The wind is at last com about. At 8 wee are all 
under sayle ; at 9 wee meete our Vice-Admirall, the 
Rupei-t, the Mary, the Orrange Tree, the Seafar, 
and the Phoenix; all English frigotts. And now 
wee have more alterrations and trouble. Captaine 



APiiiL 1679. 296 

Rumcoyle^' was ordered out of the Phoenix into our 
ship, the Royall Oake, and cam on board us at 8 ; 
and wee were very merry. Captaine Clously Shovell^* 

^^ Capt. Roome Coyle was appointed Lieutenant of the BendisPi 
in 1664:, and in the following year was promoted to the command 
of the same ship : from this^ in a short time^ he removed into the 
Guinea^ a fourth-rate of thirty-eight guns; and in the year 1666 
he was promoted to the Dragon^ a fourth-rate also^ but in a state 
of superior equipment. He was one of the seconds to Sir Thomas 
Allen^, Admiral of the White^ at the time his squadron joined 
the Duke of Albemarle^ and turned the scale of victory in his 
favour, after he had been severely pressed by the Dutch fleet 
during the two first days of the engagement of June 1666. His 
gallant behaviour on that occasion procured him the command 
of the Montague, a third-rate, but he was not again employed 
in active service till the commencement of the second Dutch 
war in 1672, when he was appointed to the Ruby of fifty-four 
guns, which some years previously had been taken from the 
French by Sir Thomas Allen. On the 17th of October, 1677;» 
he was made Captain of the Phoenix, and sent to the Mediter- 
ranean. He continued on that station until the year 1679^, 
when he was removed to the Royal Oak by Admiral Herbert^ 
and sent home with a convoy. On the 29th of July, 1682, he 
was appointed to the Spanish Merchant, and on the 11th of 
. June, 1685, was promoted by King James to command the Crown, 
of which ship he continued Captain till the 14th of August, 
1686, when he was superseded by Captain Nevill. On the 25 tb 
of March, 1689, he was appointed to the Nonsuch frigate of 
eighty-six guns, but did not long enjoy his new appointment, 
being killed oiF Guernsey on the 12th of May following, in an 
action with two French frigates, one of thirty guns, the other 
of sixteen guns, and six peteraroes ; and thus gallantly ended a 
life that had been long assiduously employed in the service of 
his country. 

^^ Captain Shovel was born near Clay, in Norfolk, about the 
year 1650, of parents in middling circumstances, who appren- 
ticed him to a mechanical trade, which he applied himself to but 
a short time before he abandoned it, and went to sea as a cabin- 
boy under the protection of Sir Christopher Myngs. Having a 



APRIL 1679. 297 

out of the Seafar into the Phoenix ; and Leiuetenant 

Blagge out of the Rupert into the Seafar. 

(13) A fay re day, but a foule wind : wees ayle too and 

strong inclination for the sea^ he very assiduously applied himself 
to the study of navigation^ and soon becoming an able seaman, 
was rapidly promoted, and in 1673 was appointed second Lieu- 
tenant on board the Henrietta. In 1674 our merchants in the 
Mediterranean being very much distressed by the piratical State 
of Tripoli, a squadron under the command of Sir John Narbo- 
rough was sent there for their protection, and arriving before 
Tripoli in the spring of the following year, found considerable 
preparations had been made by the Tripolines for their defence. 
Sir John being desirous of effecting his object by negotiation rather 
than force, sent Lieutenant Shovel on shore to demand satisfac- 
tion for the past and security for the future. Shovel delivered 
his message to the Dey Avith great spirit ; but the latter, probably 
despising the messenger on account of his youth, treated him and 
his message with contempt, and sent him back to the Admiral 
with an indefinite answer. Upon regaining his ship. Lieutenant 
Shovel acquainted the Admiral with the ill success of his attempt 
to negotiate with the Dey, and reported some observations he had 
made while on shore ; upon which he was sent with a second 
message to the piratical Chief, and instructed to continue his ob- 
servations. The behaviour of the Dey was more offensive upon 
this second attempt at conciliation than at first, and the Lieu- 
tenant was ordered to quit the city; but contrived, under 
various pretences, to delay his departure until he had completed 
his observations. Upon his return he convinced the Admiral 
that it was practicable to destroy all the ships in the harbour, not- 
withstanding their lines and forts ; and accordingly, in the night of 
the 4th of March, Shovel, with all the boats of the fleet filled with 
combustibles, went boldly into the harbour and destroyed the 
vessels, and then returned in safety to the fleet, without having 
lost a single man. The Tripolines were so disconcerted at the 
boldness and success of this attack, that they immediately sued 
for peace. Of this affair Sir John Narborough gave so just an 
account in his letters home, that in the following year Lieutenant 
Shovel was promoted to the command of the Sapphire, a third- 
rate, and from that to the James Galley, a fourth-rate, in which 



APRit 1679. 298 

froe, and cannot yet get out of this Bay. No 
prayers, by reason of the multiplicity of our new 

he continued until the death of Charles II. Although known to 
be opposed to the arbitrary measures of James II. that monarch 
continued him in his employment^ and promoted him to the 
Dover^ which he commanded at the period of the Revolution — an 
event in which he heartily concurred. In 1689 he commanded 
the Edgar, a third-rate, in the battle of Bantry Bay, and so dis- 
tinguished himself by his courage and conduct, that King Wil- 
liam conferred on him the honour of knighthood at Portsmouth. 
In 1690 he was employed in convoying William and his troops 
into Ireland, and so pleased the King by his diligence and dex- 
terity, that he delivered him a commission of Rear Admiral of 
the Blue, with his own hand. Jvist before William set out for 
Holland, in 1692, he made him Rear Admiral of the Red, and 
appointed him to command the squadron that was to convoy him 
thither. After performing this service, he joined Admiral Rus- 
sell, with the grand fleet, and had a share in the victory at La 
Hogue. In the following year, the fleet being put under the 
command of joint Admirals, Sir Cloudesley Shovel was named 
as one; and the popular feeling being excited against the manage- 
ment of the fleet at that period. Sir Cloudesley was at first an 
object of odium, but upon the afl^air being investigated in Par- 
liament, he completely exculpated himself and his fellow-com- 
manders from blame. In 1694 he was again at sea, and joined 
' the Lord Berkeley in the expedition to Camaret Bay; and in 
1702 he was sent to bring home the spoils of the Spanish gal- 
leons from Vigo, after the capture of that place by Sir George 
Rooke. In 1703 he commanded the grand fleet up the 
Streights ; and in 1704, with a powerful squadron, joined Sir 
George Rooke, then in the Mediterranean, and led the van in the 
action off" Malaga. Upon his return home he was presented to 
Queen Anne, by Prince George of Denmark (as Lord High Ad- 
miral,) and met with a very gracious reception, and in the fol- 
lowing year he was employed as Commander-in-chief. In 1705 
he commanded the fleet on the coast of Spain, which acted in 
conjunction with the army under the Earls of Peterborough 
and Monmouth, in assisting the Archduke Charles of Austria 
to obtain the Spanish throne, and by his activity and advice 



APRIL 1679. 299 

Captaine's buisnes. The grampuses play about our 
shipps. Now wee have a fayre day, and wind too. 

eminently contributed to the capture of Barcelona."^ After the 
unsuccessful attempt upon Toulon, (which appears to have failed 
chiefly from the tardiness of the Duke of Savoy, who, with Prince 
Eugene, commanded the land forces). Admiral Shovel bore away 
with his fleet for the Streights, but soon after resolved to 
return home, leaving Sir Thomas Dilkes, with nine ships 
of the line, at Gibraltar, and proceeded with the remainder 
of the fleet, consisting of ten ships of the line, four fire-ships, a 
sloop, and a yatch, for England. On the 22d of October, 1707;. 
he came into soundings, having fair weather and ninety fathoms 
water : about noon, apprehending he was near the Rocks of 
Scilly, he lay by ; but at six in the evening he made the signal 
for sailing again, and stood away under his courses E. by N. In 
a very short time, several of his ships made signals of distress ; 
and about eight o'clock his own ship, the Association, struck upon 
the reef of rocks called the Bishop and his Clerks, and im- 
mediately went to pieces, when every soul on board perished. 

The body of Sir Cloudesley Shovel was washed on shore on the 
following day, and after having been plundered by the country 
people, was buried in the sand ; it was, however, speedily re- 
covered by an officer of the Arundel, one of his fleet, and con- 
veyed to Portsmouth, whence it was taken to London, and 
buried with great funeral pomp in Westminster Abbey, where a 
monument was erected to his memory at the cost, and by the di- 
rection, of Queen Anne. 

At the time of his death, (being then in his 57th year,) Sir 
Cloudesley Shovel was Rear Admiral of England, an Admiral 
of the White, Commander-in-chief of her Majesty's fleets, and 
one of the Council to Prince George of Denmark, Lord High 
Admiral of England. He married the widow of his patron. Sir 

* In a letter sent to Queen Anne by Charles, announcing the success of 
her arms, dated from the camp at Serris, before Barcelona, 22d of October, 
1705, the King expresses his sense of obligation to the diflferent Comman- 
ders, and goes on thus — "And principally to your worthy Admiral, Shovel, as- 
suring your Majesty, that he has seconded me in this expedition with an 
inconceivable readiness and application, and no Admiral can e^'er make me 
more content than he has done." 



APRIL 1679, 300 

14 And this morning wee are gott out of our beloved 
Bay of Almarya. Wee are more merry then T 
thought wee should have beene : our new Captain e 
is woondrouse free, not only of his excellent wine, 
but also of his owne good and free company amonge 
us. Wee had a pigg to dinnar this day worth Ss. in 
England. 

15 A fresh gale brings us past Maligo by 10 : and at 
anchor in Tangeare Roade by 9, where wee find 
many of our frigotts. 

16 Wee sent the long boate on shoare for provision, 
but got non. 

J 7 Much raine all the last night ; and so all this day. 

1 9 Fayre boath days. And wee are busy in takeing 

in som provisions, and passengers for England. 
(20) Good Easter Day; and at 10 wee are under sayle 
for Cales. But wee made a short voyage, for the 
winde altered, and wee cam to anchor againe before 
11. And on Mr. Grimes (on of the Ministers of 
Tangeare, whoe coms for England with us) preacht 
> on board us. The Moores alarm'd the towne this 
night, but did no dammage at all. 

21 By 8 wee are under sayle, and salute the towne 
with 1 1 gunns ; they gave us as many. Wee give 
them 3 ; they did the same. Then wee salute the 
Vice-Admirall with 9, bee gives us 7 ; wee re- 
tume 3, he on ; and wee give him on againe : and 
so wee sayle on with a bad wind. 

John Narborough, by whom he left two daughters^ co-heiresses, 
the eldest of whom married Lord Romney, and the other Sir 
Narborough d'Aeth, Bart. 



APRIL 1679. 301 

22 The wind was so tempestuous and also crosse last 
night, that it forced us back 1 leages into the Straits 
mouth ; so that wee were forced to make for Guy- 
bralter or Gibblettore, where wee cam to an anchor a 
little after 12. 

23 This day cam the Governor and many more brave 
fellows on board us to see our ship. At their de- 
parture wee gave them 3 cheares and 15 gunns. 

24 Tis a very fay re day; and many Spanish ladys 
com on board, and dine with our Captaine. 

25 By 10 wee are under sayle againe, but wee have 
bad luck; for, making the anchor fast, the hooke 
brake, and the anchor ran downe againe, and wee 
sayld not till 1 2. But wee have a fayre and fresh 
gale ; and at 3 wee passe by Terriff on our starboard 
syde, and by 5 wee pass by Tangear on the larboard 
side, with a brave gale. 

26 By 12 wee com into Gales Roade, but not to an 
anchor, for there wee were ordered to the contrary. 
And at night wee made sayle for England, with Sir 
John Earnly in the Defiance, the Homer fyre ship, 
and at least 40 merchants. Deus nohiscum I 

(27) I preacht my first sermon in the Roy all Oake. 
Psall. Ixvi. 13. Tis a fayre day; and wee are over 
against Snt. Mary Port Cape. Calme weather to 
the end of this month. 
i^Iay 1 A fayre day, and a fresh gale, and wee are past 
Cape Snt. Vincent. I buryed John Johnson out of 
the gunn-roome port. 
2 Calme this day. Some strangers coming on board 
to dine with us caused Doctor Grimes to give us an 



MAY 1670. 302 

Easter sermon. I buryed Henry Johns, out of the 
gunn-roome port. 
3 This morne wee are in sight of Mount Chego in 
Portugall, with a small wind. I buryed Rich. Dell, 
as before. 
(4) Prayers, but no sermon ; because our Captaine 
dined on board a merchant man. Next to a calme ; 
but that small wind that is, is crosse. 

5 The same wether still to our greate discomfort ; 
for wee have little fresh water, and as little provisions 
for such a sick ship's company. God send us a short 
passage I 

6 Fay re weather, but no wind. 

7 A small gale. I buryed Thomas Smyth. 

8 A crosse wind ; at 10 at night rose a brave gale. 

9 And holds the same to day. I buryed John 
Horsenayle. 

10 The gale holds still. About 8 this morning our 
fore top mast cam by the board at once, and brake 
in 3 peices, but hurt no body. 
(11) Doctor Grymes preacht to day. A brave gale. 

12 I buryed Mr. Richard Cooling in a coffin. 

1 3 An indifferent good gale, and fayre weather. And 
at 12 wee are in the King of England's dominions 
{Deo gratia), that is, wee are past Cape Phinister 
(Finisterre), and entering on the Bay of Biscay. This 
day I was much abused in my cabin by Samuell 
Bayly, with base language. I may live to requite 
him on shoare. 

14 A brave gale to carry us over this dangerouse Bay, 
for which our noble Captaine keeps grande festo. 



MAY 1679. 303 

J 5 The gale holds, but wee are hindred by som bad 
saylers. 

16 Little wind. I biiryed William Wattson, whoe 
niade Sam. Bayly his executor. 

17 A brave gale, but wee are hindred by som heavy 
say ling merchants. This afternoone wee call all our 
men to their quarters, in case wee have occasion. 

(^18) A fayre wind still. And because wee were neare 
England Doctor Grymes desyred of mee to give us a 
farewell sermon, 

1 9 Some raine, but a fayre wind. Wee mett with a 
small French vessel, which after wee had fyred at 
her 7 gunns, cam under our starne, and told us 
there was no warr betweene us and France. She had 
neyther colors, nor so much as an ancient-staff. 
Wee sounded, and found ground at 1 1 9 fatham. 

20 This day wee sound, and find ground at 76 fatham,^ 
and are in the latitude of 48 an a halfe, and doe 
therby know that wee are neare Old England. 

21 This morning wee meete with 2 English frigotts,^^ 
the Dunkyrk and the Lyon, who acquaint us with 
the affayres of England, and the disturbances made 
there by the Papists damnable plott. And this 
morning wee made the Land's End ; and rejoyce in 
boules of punch that wee can see Old England once 
more, though wee have lost many of our men. 

22 By 5 this morning wee passe by Falmouth ; and 
at halfe an howre past 4 in the afternoone wee 
are, thanks be to God! at anchor in Plimmouth 
Roade. 

28 Agent Pierson cam in this morning, and the 



MAY 1679. 304 

Governor of the cyttidell dined on board us. Grande 
festo. This was the first day wee dranke beere of a 
twelvemonth. 
24 This morning wee wey anchor. Grande festo, 
for the Governor of the Ld. Lambert's Hand, and 
divers others dined on board us. Wee sayle, and 
our yawle is left behind us, with our Pursor and som 
others. 
(25) No prayers, our Captaine being not well. I bu- 
ryed Jeffery Tranow. By 4 wee are over against 
the He of Wyte, with a fayre gale. At 9 at night, 
and after, wee heard severaU gunns fyred to the 
southward. 

26 By 8 wee are past the 7 cliffs, and the wind fayl- 
ing in the evening, wee cam to an anchor in Dover 
Roade a little after 9, being loath to sayle in the 
darke. 

27 By 1 1 wee are at anchor in the Downes, where 
severall salutes passe ; and wee rejoyce in boules of 
punch and brandy. 

28 Grande festo on board us, haveing most of the Com- 
manders in the Downes and their ladys at dinner. 

29 King Charles his byrth day and happy returne to 
England. Soone after 12, Sandowne Castle began, 
and fyred 2 1 gunns. After that Wawmer Castle ; 
then Deale Castle. After them our Admyrall ; 
next the Defiance ; next our ship the Royall Oake : 
and then with her all the rest of the fleete fyred allto- 
gether ; so that for an howers space it seemed like a 
sea-fight, and all in honour of King Charles, whom 
ferod blesse with long life ! &c. 



JUNE 1679. 305 

30 A rainy day. I biiryed Joseph Bryan. And weo 
sent to shoare 32 sick men ; pittifull creatures. 

3 1 The Muster master mustered us, and wanted above 
60 men that were on the bookes, all dead at sea. 

June (1) A gallant fay re day. Prayers, but no sermon ; 

for our Captaine dined not on board our ship to day. 

2 Rainy weather. Our yawle and the men in her 

that were left behind at Plimmouth cam this day to 

us, and we were glad to see on the other. 

3 4 5 Rainy and stormy these days. 

6 And so to day. I went on shoare to visitt the 
minister of Deale, Mr. Garrett, to acquaint him with 
oui' Captain's desyre, 

7 The Prick master cam to muster us, and found us 
defective. 

(8) I preacht at Upper Deale; text, Psal. Ixvi. 13. 
And here our Captaine, and my selfe, and som others, 
received the sacrament. 
9 This morning wee had orders to com up to Sher- 
nesse. 

1 This day our Captaine, and myselfe, and our senior 
Leiuetenant went to Dover, where wee tooke the 
oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and were nobly 
entertain 'd by the victualler. 

11 Very windy. This day the Ld. Tresurer's sonn 
and the Ld. cam on board to see our ship. 

12 This morning wee get on anchor on board, and 
heave short, redy to sayie ; but a fogg fell and stayd 
our passage. 

1 3 Wee cam to an anchor the last night for 2 houres, 
and so this day for 2 homes. 

X 



JUNE 1679. 306 

14 The last night wee cam to an anchor about 2 
leages from Shernesse. The wind being foule, wee 
towed in about 7, and cam to an anchor about 11 
of the clock. 
(15) Prayers, but no sermon ; our Captaine dined not 
on board. 

16 Our Pilate cam on board to carry our ship up 
the River. 

1 7 This day wee loaded a hoy with empty casks for 
London. 

1 8 Strainge blowing weather for the time of the yeare. 

19 Wee are prepareing to take out our gunns. 

20 Wee have newes of our being payd off speedily. 
I went on shoare with our Leiuetenant ; and Sir 
Tho. Allen sayd he would pay us off on Munday. 

21 Wee are busy in unrigging our ship in part. 

(22) All mad to day. I went to Rochester, with our 

Leiuetenant and Pursor, and drink sack, &c. 
23 Wee leave our ship at anchor at the Black Stakes, 
and are pay'd off for the Roy all Oake ; only my selfe 
and our Chyrurgion are demur'd for our groats and 
twopences ^^. 

°^ The allowance of Groats and Twopences to the Chaplains 
and Surgeons of the Royal Navy, appears to have been an an- 
cient usage, and probably arose from the circumstance of their 
pay having been fixed upon a scale greatly disproportioned to 
the rate of that allowed to other officers of a corresponding rank. 
An increase to their income was therefore made by deducting 
4d. per month from the wages of each man for the Chaplain, 
and 2d. for the Surgeon; which extra allowance was paid to them, 
subject to any demurrage which might arise during the period 
of service. These allowances were, however, discontinued a few 



JUNE 1679. 307 

24 I tooke my man back to our ship, and sent him 
with my goods to London in a hoy; and I returning 
to Rochester to my aunte Nicholes, found there 
Mrs. CHpsham and my sonn Thomas, and my cousin 
Betty Smith, whoe cam so farr to welcom mee home. 

25 Wee vew the Castle, Colledge and other places. 

26 Wee vew the Royall Sovereigne and other ships, 
and also the Dock and wood-yard. 

27 Accompanyed with Councellor and his 

daughter, wee all goe in a coatch to Gravesend, and 
thence with a pay re of oares to London, where wee 

28 arrived at Billingesgate about 2 a clock on Satterday 
morning. 

I stayd at London about 6 weekes, being in 
hopes of being payd off every weeke ; but, at the 
last, haveing notice that wee should not be payd 
till Michaelmas, I went into the country to my owne 
house. 

Cam up againe at Michaelmas day ; stayd there 
about 'i weekes : was payd off at last, with som 
abatements ; and then came safe home againe to 
Spemall, Deo gr alias ! 

years since ; when, by a new regulationj the sea-pay of all 
officers of his Majesty's Navy was made net, without any addi- 
tion or deduction whatever. 



X 2 



LISTS 



OF THE 



ROYAL NAVY, 1675. 



The first of the following Lists of the British Navy is 
copied from a very exact tabular account, in the hand- 
writing of Henry Teonge, at the end of his Diary. The 
particulars which it affords of the dimensions, complement 
of men, number and nature of guns, and when, where, 
and by whom built, as far as apply to the first, second, 
third, and fourth rate ships, are more full and complete 
than any other existing document with which we are ac- 
quainted. The Second Table is a copy of a MS. in the 
Harleian Collection, No. 6277; being a List of the Navy 
in 1675, as delivered to the House of Commons by Mr. 
Pepys, then Secretary of the Navy. The accuracy and 
authenticity of Henry Teonge's account are very satis- 
factorily estabhshed by a comparison with the official 
statements. 



3J1 



t 




i 


1 

Capt.Pett, sen. ! 
Mr. Deane. I 
Mr. Deane. | 
Mr. Pett. 
Mr. Sish. 1 
Ch. Pett. i 
Mr. Sish. j 
Com. Ships. 

1 


PQ 




Mr. Pett. 
Mr. Pett, reb. 
Mr. Callis. 
the French. 
Mr. Burrell. 
Mr. Burrell. 
Mr. Knight. 
Mr. Boate. 


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LIST— No. 11. 
APRIL 24, 1675. In y^ House of Commons. 

A List of all His Ma^^^" Ships & Vessels. Expressing y® respective 
Rates and Qualities, w* their severall Ages, Burthens, Numbers of 
Men, & Guns. 





Built 










Built 




Ships. i 


n the 
Year 


Tuns. 


Men. 


Guns. 


Ships. 1 


n tlie Tuus. 
Year 


Men. 


Guns. 












Monmouth . . 


1666- 


859 


400 


66 


First Rate. 










Royall Oake 


1674 


1107 


500 


70 


Soveraigne . . 


1637 


1556 


850 


100 


Resolution . . 


1667 


885 


400 


68 


S^ Andrew . . 


1670 


1338 


750 


100 


Rupert . . . 


166| 


827 


400 


64 


Charles . . . 


1667 


1258 


750 


100 


Swiftsure . . . 


1673 


978 


400 


66 


RoyaU Charles . 


1673 


1416 


800 


102 


Warr Spight 


1666 


905 


400 


68 


London . . . 


1670 


1328 


750 


96 


Defiance . . . 


1675 


864 


400 


60 


St. Michael . . 


1669 


1102 


550 


98 












Prince . . . . 


1670 


1382 


800 


100 


Fourth Rate, 










Royall James 


1675 


1420 


800 


100 


Adventure . . 


1646 


393 


170 


40 


Second Rate. 










Advise . . . . 


1650 


545 


220 


50 










Andelope . . . 


1653 


516 


220 


46 


S*. George . . 


1622 


891 


460 


68 


Assistance . . 


1650 


521 


220 


50 


Henry . . . . 


1656 


1082 


540 


78 


Assurance . . 


1646 


345 


170 


42 


Old James . . 


1633 


906 


500 


75 


Bonadventure . 


1663 


505 


220 


52 


Rainbowe . . . 


1617 


866 


410 


56 


Bristoll . . . 


1653 


532 


220 


48 


Triumphe , . 


1623 


891 


500 


70 


Centurion . . 


1650 


532 


220 


50 


Victory . . . 


1665 


1038 


530 


84 


Cons*. Warwick 


1655 


306 


170 


42 


Unicorne . . . 


1633 


633 


420 


68 


Crowne . . . 


165f 


562 


200 


50 


French Ruby 


1666 


868 


460 


80 


Diamond . . . 


1651 


548 


220 


4& 


Royall Katherine 


1664 


1004 


530 


100 


Dover . . . . 


1654 


533 


.200 


54 


Third Rate. 










Dragon . . . 


1647 


470 


200 


44 










Foresight . . . 


1650 


521 


220 


52 


Dreadnought 


165| 


739 


360 


64 


Hamshire . . 


1653 


479 


200 


46 


Dunkirke . . 


1651 


662 


340 


64 


Happy Returne 


1654 


609 


240 


48 


Gloucester . . 


165f 
165| 


755 


340 


60 


Jersey . . . . 


1654 


556 


220 


48 


Henrietta . . 


781 


340 


60 


Leopard . . . 


1658 


657 


280 


56 


Lion . . . . 


1640 


417 


340 


60 


Mary Rose . . 


165f 


556 


220 


56 


Mary . . . . 


1649 


778 


360 


60 


New Castle . . 


1653 


626 


240 


52 


Monke . . . 


1659 


678 


340 


58 


Portland . . . 


1652 


608 


240 


50 


Mountain . . 


1654 


770 


360 


56 


Portsmouth . • 


1649 


463 


200 


48 


Plymouthe . . 


1653 


740 


340 


58 


Princess . . . 


1660 


602 240 


54 


Revenge . . . 


1654 


767 


360 


60 


Reserve . . . 


1650 


533 


220 


48 


Yorke . . . . 


1654 


754 


340 


62 


Ruby . . . . 


1651 


557 


220 


48 


Rotterdam . . 


1673 


950 


460 


60 


Swallow . . - 


1653 


549 


220 


50 


Cambridge . . 


1666 


937 


400 


70 


Tyger . . . . 


1647 


443 


180 


46 


Edgar . . . . 


1668 


994 


400 


74 


Yarmouth . . 


1653 


608 


240 


54 


Harwich . . . 


1674 


989 


400 


66 


St. David . . . 


166^ 


639 


260 


56 



316 





Built 


I 




Bailt 


1 




Ships. 


in Ihf 
Year 


Tuns, 


Men. Guns. 


Ships. 


iQ the 
year 


Tuns. 


Men. 


Guns. 


Faulcon . . . 


1666 


530 


170 


40 


Unity, Horse boat 


1651 


40 


4 





Greenwich . . 


1666 


G66 


280 


60 


HULKES. 










Nonsuch . . . 


1668 


354 


170 


40 










Oxford . . . 


1674 


670 


260 


54 


Eagle . . . . 


1653 


896 


6 





Stavooreen . . 


1672 


500 


200 


50 


Elias . . . . 


1653 


400 


2 





Sweepstakes 
Woolwich . . 


1666 


376 


170 


40 


Violet . . . . 


1653 


400 


1 





1675 


750 


300 


54 


Alphen . . . 


1673 


716 


4 





Kingfisher . . 


1675 


662 


220 


50 


Europa . . . 


1673 


406 


18 













Slothany . . . 


1665 


772 


8 





Fifth Rate. 










Stathouse . . 


1667 


440 


4 





Eagle . . . . 
Guarland . . . 


1654 


296 


150 


34 


Armes of Horn . 


1673 


600 


6 


• 


1654 


266 


150 


34 


Ketches. 










Guernsey . . . 


1654 


259 


150 


32 










Mermaid . 


1651 


286 


140 


30 


Deptford . . . 


1665 


109 


50 


12 


Norwich . . . 


1655 


257 


160 


30 


Quaker . . . 


1671 


85 


45 


8 


Pearle . . . . 
Richmond . . 


1651 
1655 


286 
238 


150 
130 


28 
28 


Smacks. 










Speedwell . . 

Success 


1656 


238 


140 


30 


Bridgett . . . 
Sea Venture <. . 


1672 


4 


2 





1657 


294 


155 


30 


1660 


30 


3 





Holmes 


1657 


180 


110 


24 


Sheernes . . . 


1672 


12 


2 





Hunter 


1657 


300 


130 


30 


Little London . 


1672 


6 


2 





Swanne . . . 


1673 


340 


150 


32 


Shish . . . . 


1672 


5 


2 





Rose . . . . 


1674 


240 


100 


28 


Sloopes. 










Phenix 


1671 


345 


170 


40 










Saphire . . . 


1675 


365 


170 


30 


Bonotta . . . 


1673 


57 


36 


6 










Chatham . . . 


1673 


49 


36 


4 


Sixth Rate. 










Dove . . . . 


1672 


20 


30 


4 


Drake . . . . 


1652 


146 


70 


14 


Emsworth . . 


1667 


39 


30 


6 


Francis 


1666 


141 


80 


20 


Hound . . . 


1673 


46 


36 




Greyhound 


1672 


184 


80 


14 


Hunter . . . 


1673 


45 


36 




Roebuck 


1666 


134 


80 


18 


Invention . . 


1673 


28 


30 




Young Sprag 
Fan Fan . . . 


1673 
1665 


90 
35 


45 

30 


8 
4 


Prevention . . 
Sp5^e . . . . 


1672 
1666 


46 

28 


36 
30 




Liarke . . . . 


1675 


194 


90 


18 


Vulture . . . 


1673 


62 


36 




Swadadoes 


1670 


182 


80 


16 


Whipsf. Brignt. 
Woolwich . . 


1672 


25 


30 















1673 


57 


36 


6 


Doggers. 










Yatchts. 










Dover . . . . 


1673 


75 


36 


8 


Anne . . . . 


1661 


100 


30 


8 


FiRESHIPS. 










Bezan . . . . 
Cleveland . . 


1661 
1671 


35 
107 


6 
30 


4 
8 


Ann&Christophei 


1671 


240 


45 


8 


Deale . . . . 


1673 


24 


6 


2 


Wevenhoe . . 


166-^ 


83 


20 


6 


James . . . . 


1662 


26 


3 















Isle of Wight . 


1673 


31 


4 


4 


Gallyes. 










Katherine . . 


1674 


131 


30 


10 


Margaret . . . 


1673 


260 


460 


5 


Kitchin . . . 


1670 


100 


30 


6 


D 










Merlin . . . 


1666 


109 


30 


8 


Hoyes. 










Monmouth . . 


1666 


103 


30 


10 


Harwich . . 


1660 


52 


4 





Navy . . . . 


1673 


74 


25 




I.ighter at \ 
Portsmouth / 




! ,.^ 






Portsmouth . . 


1674 


133 


20 


10 


1662 


1 100 


5 





Quinburrow . . 


1671 


27 


2 


2 


Mary Gould . 


1653 


42 


4 





Richmond . . 


1672 


64 


20 


S 



317 



An Abstract of the preceding List 
of Ships and Vessels. 





Num. 


1 


Ships and Vesyells. 


of Tuns. 
Ships. 


Men. Guns. 


First Rate . . . 


8 jlOSOO 


6050, 796 


Second Rate 




9 


8179 


4350 679 


Third Rate 




22 


18145 


8380 1400 


Fourth Rate 




37 


19822 


8060:1816 


Fifth Rate . 




15 


4190 


2153 


460 


Sixth Rate . 




8 


1106 


555 


112 




99 


62242 


2955015263 


Doggers . . . 


1 


75 


36 


8 


Fireships 






2 


323 


65 


14 


GaUyes . 






1 


260 


460 


5 


Hoyes . 
Hulkes . 






4 


234 


17 









8 


4630 


49 





Ketches 






2 


194 


95 


20 


Sraackes 






5 


57 


11 





Sloopes . 






12 


502 


402 


50 


Yaehts . 






14 


1064 


266 


88 




49 


7339 


1401 


185 



The proportion of Tuns, Men 
and Guns of the Ships of each 
Rate, one with the other. 



Ships. 


Tuns. 


Men. 


Guns. 


First Rates . . 


1350 


756f 991 


Second Rates . . 


908 5 


4831 


75 i 


Third Rates . . 


824^,^ 


3801? 


63^^ 


Fourth Rates . . 


535/, 


2171i 


49;^; 


Fifth Rates . . 


279 A 


143i? 


30J-2 


Sixth Rates . . 


138? 


69| 


14 



INDEX. 



Acrostic, one on Capt. Holding, 129. 
Adventure of a soldier on board the Bristol, 239. 

of an English gentleman at Aleppo, 174. 

' of the Chaplain on his way to Scanderoon, 186. 

Affair with a ship of Tripoly, 62. 
Africa, geographical account of, 202. 
Alarm, false one, by a French ship, 286. 
Aleppo, Teonge's departure for that city, 153. 

, arrival of the caravan at, 157- 163. 

, account of the city and castle, 173. 178, n. Q^- 

J its appearance from the adjacent hills, 176. 

Alexandria, ancient saying of it, 194. 
Aligant (Alicant), account of, 38. 

, tradition of Moorish valour at, 38, n. 24t. 

Allen, Admiral Sir Thomas, 251, w. 78. 

Almarya (Almeria), Bay, 268. 

Anecdote of two sailors, 254, n. 80. 

Antediluvian cedars, 150. 

Antioch, the plains of, 154. 184. 

Apes Hill, 33. 

Apples of Sodom, 123, n. 58. 

Arabia, geographical account of, 125. 

Arabian woman, description of one, 155. 

Argereene (Algerine), squadron, one in sght, 201. 

ship, chaces the Assistance, 211. 



320 INDEX. 

Articles of peace between Tripoly and England^ 144. 219. 225. 

Asia Minor^ geographical account of, 102. 

Asphaltes, the Lake, 120, n. 57- 

" As like a Hermit abroad I walked"-— Song, 241. 

Assistance frigate, the, 3. 

Barbary, the Coast of, 28. 44. 

Barber, Capt. James, 50. 

Bay of Biscay, 25. 

Beads and crosses from Jerusalem, 97, n. 50. 

Berry, Mr. Nathaniel, 118. 

Bill of fare of an entertainment at Aleppo, 162. 

Billingsgate, arrival at, on return from second voyage, 28tli 

June, 1679, 307- 
Birds, numbers of them at sea, 215. 
Black IMonday at sea, 20, n, 11. 43. 
Boatswain, the funeral of one, 100. 
Breach of articles by the Tripoleans, 225. 
Bristol, His Majesty's ship, Teonge appointed Chaplain to 

her, 233. 
— — , the Chaplain joins her at Gravesend for his second 

voyage, 235. 
Browne, Capt., 165, n, 63. 
Buoy of the Nore, 5. 
Burial places near Aleppo, 178. 180. 182. 
Byland Mountains, the, 185. 

Cadi, account of one at Aleppo, 169. . 
Cales (Cadiz,) arrival off, 208. 301. 
Candia, notice of, 79. 128. 
Cape Carthage, notice of, 44. 
Caravan to Aleppo, account of one, 153. 
■ from Mecca, 163. 

Carrier pigeons, account of them, 94, n. 48. 113, n. 55. 
Carter, Capt. Richard, 287, n. 89. 

Ceremonies at the creation of a Knight of the Malhue, or 
Valley of Salt, 167, n. 64. 



I 



INDEX. 321 

Charles II., his rapid walk, 232, w. 73. 

, salutes in honour of his birth- day, 304. 
Charles the Proud, Duke of Somerset, anecdote of his 

travelling arrangements, 231, n. 72. 
Christmas-day, its observance at sea, 127- 
Church at Saline, account of it, 147- 
Coach waggon, 229, n. 72. 
Council of war, 67- 
Country, Capt., 59, n. 35. 
Custom of the Deal housewives, 10, n. 8. 
Cyprus, account of the Island of, 81. 88. 146. 
— — , its surrender to the Venetians, 87:. w. 45. 
I "■ ! , conquest of, by the Turks^ 88, n. 46. 

Danby Lord, notice of, 233, n. 74. 

Daniel, Capt. Charles, his hospitality at Tangier, 32. 

Dartmouth pinnace taken by the Corsairs, 99. 

Dead Sea, the, 120. 121, w. 57- 

Deal Beach, notice of, 10. 

Death watch, the, 37, n. 23. 

Decorations of the church at Saline, 147- 

Departure from Aleppo, Teonge's, prevented, 167- 

of the Alopeans from the English squadron, 200. 

Deptford, Teonge's arrival at, on his return from the first 

voyage, 218. 
Dickenson, Capt. Richard, 264, n. 84. 
Difficulties, the Chaplain's, in providing sea stock, 3. 
Dinner, a famous one at Scanderoon, 96. 
Dover castle and town, 13, 14. 
Downes, the, 7- 

Dutchmen, affair of two, at Aleppo, 160. 163. 
Dutch vessel, tardy submission of one, in the narrow seaSj 15. 

Earnly, Sir John, 282, n. 88. 
Egypt, a geographical account of, 190. 
" England, adue I"— Song, 259. 
English, naval supremacy of the, 16, w. 10. 

Y 



322 INDEX. 

Entertainments at Aleppo^ 158. 166. 
Ephraim^ the river of, 156. 
Epitaph on Capt. Langston, 292. 

, Lieutenant New, 281. 

Escape of an Irish Algerine captive, 280. 

' the Tripolean squadron, 67* 

Essex, retreat of the Earl of, 24, n. 14. 

Fair on the quarter deck, 41. 240. 269. 

Falmouth Road, arrival in, 216. 

Famagusta, the city of, 149, n. 62. 

Farewell visits at Aleppo, 166. 172. 

Feasts given to the officers of the squadron, 27- 199. 

Finch, Sir John, ambassador at Constantinople, 171^ ^*« 65. 

Finisteare, the Island of, 287- 

Finisterre, Cape, 302. 

Fire flies, a swarm of them, 181, n. 67- 

First voyage, its commencement 20th May, 1675; ends 17th 

Nov. 1676. 
Fortescue, Capt., 244, n. 76. 
Fowler, Capt. Thomas, 53, n. 30. 

French ships, sight of them, and preparation for action, 21. 
Friar, account of one on board the Royal Oak, 286. 
Frigate, the Assistance, Teonge's first ship, 3. 

Gaw of Scanderoon, the, 93. 151. 

Geographical notice of Africa, 202 — Asia Minor, 102 — 
France, Spain, Africa, and Barbary, 35 — Italy, 42 — 
The Morea, 75— Greece, 76— Syria, 119— Egypt, 190. 

George Prince of Denmark, account of his journey from 
Windsor to Petworth, 230, n. 72. 

Goza, the Islands of, 78- 135. 

Grafton, notice of the first Duke of, 279, n. 87- 

Grampus, the, 26. 134. 

Grand master of Malta, the, 46, n. 26. 

Great Bashaw, the, 95. 151. 

Greece, geographical account of, 76. 



INDEX. 323 

Greek clergy. 111, n. 54, 
Groats and twopences, 306, w. 92. 
Guybraltar (Gibraltar), notice of, 33, w. 22. 

Harman, Capt., 138, n. 60. 

Harris, Capt. William, 137, «• 59. 

Holmes, Sir John, 246, n. 77- 

Holy Island, the, 240. 

Hospital of the Knights of Malta, 47, n. 27- 

Hostile feelings of the English and French seamen, 197- 

Hot springs, account of two, 182, 3. 

Houghton, Lieutenant, 2, 72. 1. 

Houlding, Capt. William, 2, n. 2. 

Houses at Aleppo, description of several, 163. 5. 

Jarbees, dangerous rocks so called, 198. 
Intrigue of a Turkish lady at Aleppo, 174. 
Jonas's pillars, 115, n. 56. 
Journey from Scanderoon to Aleppo, 153. 157- 

Killegrew, Capt. 272, n. 85. 

King David, his Sword, 167- 

Knevet (Nevett), Capt. Thomas, 5, n. 5. 

Knights of Malta, notice of them, 48. 

of the Malhue, 167- 

Langston, Capt. Anthony, 227, n. 71. His death, 291. 

Larneca, account of, 148. 

Launch of a Brigantine at Malta, 139. 

Lent, the last day of, how kept at sea, 151. 

Lepanto, the Gulf of, 75. 

Lizard Point, accident off the, 259. 

" Loathe to Depart," 5, n. 4. 

Long Boat of the Bristol sent adrift, 243.— Lost, 269. 

Mahomet, account of him, 125, 6. 
Majorca, behaviour of the Viceroy, 290. 



324 INDEX. 

Malhue, Order of the, 167. 

Maligo (Malaga), 36. 

Malta, notice of, 45. 132. 135. 196. 

Maltese, courtesy of the, 48. 

Marabott Wizards, 33, n. 21. 

Marriage Customs at Zante, 71;. 2. n. 37* 

,^ at Aleppo, 156. 160. 

Mecca, arrival of Pilgrims from, 163. 

Memphis, or Cairo, 194. 

Mole of Tangiers, 29, n. 19. 

Monsters of Africa, 205, n. 69. 

Moors, their assault on Tangier, 294. 300. 

Mordaunt, Lord, notice of him, 261, n. 82. 266. 

Morea, the, 75. 

Mount Lebanon, view of, 150. 

Muestone, or Eddy stone, 25. 

Narborough, Sir John, 5b, n. 32. 137* 

New Year's Gift, a Poetical one, 129. 

New, Lieut, his Epitaph, 281. 

Niger, the River, notice of, 207* 

Nile, the River, account of its source and overflow, 192, 3. 

North, Capt., 95, n. 49. 

Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, Teonge takes them, 305. 

Odd Guns fired in Salutes, 14. 

'' O ! Ginnee was a bonny lass," 79. 

Old Saying of the Emperor Maximilian, 42. 

Orlando's Gap, a tradition, 40. 

Paget, Lord, 99, w. 51. 

Palestine, account of, 119. 125. 

Parting Scene in the Downs, 13. 

Passages of the Red Sea, 190, n. 68. 

Peace, Articles of, signed by the Tripoleans, 144. 

Pelicans, an account of them, 16] . 

Petts, Capt. 263, n. 83. 



INDEX. 325 

Pigeon Carriers^ 94, n. 48. 112, n. 55. 

Plains of Sodom and Gomorrha, 120, 1. 

Plymouth, the Roadstead and Castle, 23. 

Poetry, various specimens of the Chaplain's, 2. 7- 25. 29. 

40. 41. 51. 63. 69. 73. 79. 129. 134. 241. 248. 256. 

259. 281. 292. 
Poetical relation of a Combat with a Tripolean vessel on the 

28th August, 1675, 63. 
— — relation of some passages at Zante respecting Wines, 

72. 
Political relations with France and Holland, 21, n. 12. 
Poole, Sir WiUiam, 278, n. 86. 
Portuguese, their hostility, 212. 213, n. 70. 
Port Caesar, 273, n. 79. 
PuUeare, Capt. 257, n.Ql. 

Punch, noticed by the Chaplain as a strange beverage, 4, w. 3. 
Punishments, naval, 18, n. 11. 20, n. 75. 135. 250. 254. 
Pyramids, the, 194. 

Red Sea, the, 119. 

Remarkable things at Scanderoon, 112. 

Reports of the Popish Plot, 303. 

Resuscitation of a drowned man at Deal, 8. 

Rhodes, the Isle of, 129. 

Rochetta Bay, 295. 

Rock of Lisbon, arrival off the, 211. 

Rocky Mountains, 157. 182. 

Roomecoyle, Capt., 296, n. 90. 

Rose, John, a Seaman, drowned, 243. 

Royal Oak, the, Teonge removed to that ship, 277- 

Ruins of Carthage, 44. 

of Troy, 103. 104, n, 52. 

near Scanderoon, 116. 

on the road to Aleppo, 157. 179. 

Sailing orders of Capt. Houlding, 1 L ; of Sir John Narborough, 
55. 



326 index:. 

Saline^ the Bay of, 146. 

Salutesj navalj 6. 14^ n. 9. 16^ n, 10. 

Sandown castle^ 9, n. 7- 

Saying of the Emperor Maximilian^ 41. 

Scanderoon, 69. 91, n. 47- 109. 150. 186. 

Sea life;, its advantages,, 17- 

Second voyage,, its commencement, 227- 

Seraglio, Teonge's visit to the, at Aleppo, 171. 

Serpent, a formidable one, 183. 

Sham fight, account of one, 284. 

Sheerness, 217- 306. 

Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, 296, m. 91. 

Shrove Tuesday, its observance by the Spaniards, 281. 

Silk stone of Cyprus, 82, n. 40. 

Slaves, escape of several from Tripoly, 60. 

Songs, 63. 73. 79. 241. 248. 256. 259. 

Spaniards, several visit the Royal Oak, 280. 

Spanish Hogs, sea sick, 270. 

Squadron, division of the, 68. 

St. George's day, its observance, 152. 

church at Scanderoon, 110. 113. 

Storm, a great one, 118. 195. 201. 209, n. 80. 254. 

Stout, Capt., 58. 59, n. 34. 

Straights of Cilicia, 107- 

Strickland, Sir Roger, 56. 57, n. 33. 

Superstition of the Chaplain, 37. n. 23. 141, «. 61. 187. 

Sjria, geographical notice of it, 119. 

Tangier, account of, 29, n. 19. 202. 

Temple, Capt., 54, n. 31. 

Terra Sigillata, account of, 83, n. 41. 

'^ Though the Fates have ordayned" — Song, 248. 

Toogood, Mr., his funeral at Port Mahon, 277* 

Travelling equipment, the Chaplain's, 1. 

Tripoli, 51. 52. 141, 2. 203. 

■ . Vicha, 65, n. 36. 

Tripoleans attacked in their harbour, 135. 



INDEX. 327 

Troops sent to Ostend, 234^ ?/. 75. 

TroV:, account of its ruinS;, 103;, 4, n. 52. 

TuniS;, the King and Queen of, 142. 

Turks, barbarity of their punishments;, 107j n. 53. 

;, instance of their aversion to cut off beards, 160^ 1. 

Twelfth-night, its observance at sea, 130. 

Valley of Salt near Aleppo, 169, n. 64. 
Unlucky adventure at Scanderoon, 92, 3. 
Votive offerings in St. George's church, 114. 

Water spouts, account of them, 92. 

Wettwand, Capt., 53, n. 29. 

'' When Phoebus did this morning first appear" — Acrostic,129. 

" When Phillis first I saw your face" — Song, 256. 

Women sent on shore at Dover, 14. 

Zante, the Island of, 70, 1, 2. n. 37. 130. 



LONDON: 
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LB^/lr'05 



